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April 27 当代金融学6大支柱.1.市场有效性假设 (Efficient Market Hypothesis) by 尤金·法玛 (Fama,Eugene)
2.资本资产定价模型 (Capital Asset Pricing Model) by 威廉·夏普 (William Sharpe)
3.资本结构理论 (Capital Structure Theory) by 弗兰科·莫迪格利安尼(Franco Modigliani)& 默顿·米勒(Merton Miller)
4.BS期权定价模型 (Black-Scholes Option Pricing Model) by 费雪·布莱克 (Fischer Black) & 梅隆·斯科尔斯 (Myron Scholes)
5.代理理论 (Agent Theory) by 麦克·简森 (Michael Jensen) & 威廉·梅克林 (William Meckling)
6.行为金融学 (Behavioral Finance) by 罗伯特·希勒(Robert J. Shiller) April 20 Gilded AgeFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search
For the novel, see The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today.
In American history, the Gilded Age refers to substantial growth in population in the United States and extravagant displays of wealth and excess of America's upper-class during the post-Civil War and post-Reconstruction era, in the late 19th century (1865-1901). The wealth polarization derived primarily from industrial and population expansion. The businessmen of the Second Industrial Revolution created industrial towns and cities in the Northeast with new factories, and contributed to the creation of an ethnically diverse industrial working class which produced the wealth owned by rising super-rich industrialists and financiers such as Cornelius Vanderbilt, John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Carnegie, Henry Flagler, and J.P. Morgan. Their critics called them "robber barons", referring to their use of overpowering and sometimes unethical financial manipulations. There was a small, growing labor union movement, led in part by Samuel Gompers, who created the American Federation of Labor (AFL), founded in 1886. It featured very close contests between the Republicans and Democrats, with occasional third parties. Nearly all the eligible men were political partisans and voter turnout often exceeded 90% in some states. This period also witnessed the creation of a modern industrial economy. A national transportation and communication network was created, the corporation became the dominant form of business organization, and a managerial revolution transformed business operations. By the beginning of the twentieth century, per capita income and industrial production in the United States exceeded that of any other country except Britain. Long hours and hazardous working conditions led many workers to attempt to form labor unions despite strong opposition from industrialists and the courts. The wealth of the period is highlighted by the American upper class's opulent self-indulgence, but also the rise of the American philanthropy (Andrew Carnegie called it the "Gospel of Wealth") that endowed thousands of colleges, hospitals, museums, academies, schools, opera houses, public libraries, symphony orchestras, and charities. The Beaux-Arts architectural idiom of the era clothed public buildings in Neo-Renaissance architecture. This period overlaps with the nadir of American race relations, during which African Americans lost many of the civil rights obtained during the Reconstruction period. Increased racist violence, as well as exile of African Americans from the Southern states to the Midwest, started as soon as 1879. The end of the Gilded Age coincided with the Panic of 1893, a deep depression. The depression lasted until 1897 and marked a major political realignment in the election of 1896. After that came the Progressive Era. The term "Gilded Age" was coined by Mark Twain and Charles Dudley Warner in their 1873 book, The Gilded Age: A Tale of Today.
[edit] Industrial and technological advancesMain article: Second Industrial Revolution
The Gilded Age was rooted in industrialization, especially heavy industry like factories, railroads and coal mining. During the Gilded Age, American manufacturing production surpassed the combined total of Great Britain, Germany, and France. Railroad mileage tripled between 1860 and 1880, and tripled again by 1920, opening new areas to commercial farming, creating a truly national marketplace and inspiring a boom in coal mining and steel production. The voracious appetite for capital of the great trunk railroads facilitated the consolidation of the nation's financial market in Wall Street. By 1900, the process of economic concentration had extended into most branches of industry—a few large corporations, called "trusts", dominated in steel, oil, sugar, meatpacking, and the manufacture of agriculture machinery. Other major components of this infrastructure were the new methods for fabricating steel: the Bessemer and the Siemens steel making processes. The first billion-dollar corporation was United States Steel, formed by financier J. P. Morgan in 1901, who purchased and consolidated steel firms built by Andrew Carnegie and others. Increased mechanization of industry is a major mark of the Gilded Age's search for cheaper ways to create more product. Frederick Winslow Taylor observed that worker efficiency in steel could be improved through the use of machines to make fewer motions in less time. His redesign increased the speed of factory machines and the productivity of factories while undercutting the need for skilled labor. This mechanization made some factories an assemblage of unskilled laborers performing simple and repetitive tasks under the direction of skilled foremen and engineers. Machine shops grew rapidly, and they comprised highly skilled workers and engineers. Both the number of unskilled and skilled workers increased, as their wage rates grew. Engineering colleges were established to feed the enormous demand for expertise. Railroads invented complex bureaucratic systems, using middle managers, and set up explicit career tracks. They hired young men at age 18-21 and promoted them internally until a man reached the status of locomotive engineer, conductor or station agent at age 40 or so. Career tracks were invented for skilled blue collar jobs and for white collar managers, starting in railroads and expanding into finance, manufacturing and trade. Together with rapid growth of small business, a new middle class was rapidly growing, especially in northern cities. The United States became a world leader in applied technology. From 1860 to 1890, 500,000 patents were issued for new inventions—over ten times the number issued in the previous seventy years. George Westinghouse invented air brakes for trains (making them both safer and faster). Theodore Vail established the American Telephone & Telegraph Company. Thomas A. Edison invented a remarkable number of electrical devices, as well as the integrated power plant capable of lighting multiple buildings simultaneously; he founded General Electric corporation. Oil became an important resource, beginning with the Pennsylvania oil fields. Kerosene replaced whale oil and candles for lighting. John D. Rockefeller created Standard Oil Company to consolidate the industry. [edit] Influential figures
Gilded age philanthropy: a table d'hôte dinner menu from March 4, 1893 for a meal in honor of symphony conductor Walter Johannes Damrosch. Andrew Carnegie, John D. Rockefeller, and "Commodore" Cornelius Vanderbilt were amongst the most influential industrialists during the Gilded Age. Carnegie was born into a poor Scottish family; at age 18 he became an assistant to railroad superintendent Thomas A. Scott in Pittsburgh. In 1870, Carnegie erected his first blast furnace. Both Carnegie and Rockefeller gave away most of their wealth in large scale philanthropy. Carnegie created the Carnegie Institute of Technology (now part of Carnegie Mellon University) to upgrade craftsmen into trained engineers and scientists. Carnegie built hundreds of public libraries and several major research centers and foundations. Rockefeller retired from the oil business in 1897 and devoted the next 40 years of his life to giving away most of his money using systematic philanthropy, especially in the areas of education, medicine and race relations. "Commodore" C. Vanderbilt started out as a poor Staten Island farmer boy, then quickly through his sharp wit and lethal business policies built an enormous fortune in steamships and railroading to become the wealthiest man in the world in his day. His descendants and heirs would become famous for their ability to both increase and spend their wealth, building gigantic and lavish mansions and dominating Gilded Age high society. [edit] Labor unions[edit] The rise of unionsAs American men, women, and children toiled away in the factories of the 1880s, many of them dreamed of one day living the Horatio Alger myth of moving from "rags to riches." While some Americans enjoyed unparalleled success as compared to their counterparts, many Americans still struggled to make ends meet. Workers began to organize labor unions to take responsibility for their own improvement. Modern labor unions emerged during the Civil War era. One of the earlier attempts at a national union was the National Labor Union, formed in Baltimore in 1866. The Knights of Labor, founded in 1869, had success in the late 1880s but then collapsed. The American Federation of Labor (AFL), a coalition of trades unions, became dominant in the 1890s, under Samuel Gompers. and the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) emerged, encouraging all workers to unite. [edit] The great strikesWhile labor unions became increasingly popular in the late 1800s, their successes were also tempered by some crushing defeats. One of the earliest strikes following the Civil War was the Great Railroad Strike of 1877. It lasted for 45 days; it was finally ended when President Rutherford B. Hayes sent in federal troops. The number of deaths and the amount of damage caused by the strike scared many Americans. In 1886, the Knights of Labor were hit by two devastating events that eventually brought about an end to their union. The Great Southwest Railroad Strike of 1886 and the Haymarket Square Riot ended both internal and external support for the Knights. The Homestead Strike led by workers at the Homestead Steel Plant owned by Andrew Carnegie and Henry Clay Frick was an organized attempt at trying to secure better wages and working conditions than was ended with an assassination attempt on Frick. The final major strike of the late 1800s was the Pullman Strike which began at the company town of Pullman, Illinois. Owned by George Pullman, the town was the home to all the workers at the Pullman Palace Car Company. When Pullman refused to meet with workers to discuss intolerable conditions brought on by the Panic of 1893, a national rail strike was orchestrated by the American Railway Union led by Eugene V. Debs. This time the strike was halted by a court injunction and Debs was arrested by federal troops sent in by President Grover Cleveland. The Supreme Court upheld government action with their decision in the 1895 case In re Debs. With the Court decision coupled with the use of the Sherman Antitrust Act, labor unions were unable to regain much power until the 1930s. [edit] Politics
A Group of Vultures Waiting for the Storm to "Blow Over"--"Let Us Prey." Cartoon of New York's Boss Tweed and other Tammany Hall figures, drawn in 1871 by Thomas Nast and published in Harper's Weekly. Americans' sense of civic virtue was shocked by the scandals associated with the Reconstruction era: corrupt state governments, massive fraud in cities controlled by political machines, political payoffs to secure government contracts (especially the Crédit Mobilier of America scandal regarding the financing of the transcontinental railroad), and widespread evidence of government corruption during the Ulysses S. Grant Administration. This corruption divided the Republican party into two different factions, The Stalwarts led by Roscoe Conkling and the Half-Breeds led by James G. Blaine. Accordingly there were widespread calls for reform, such as Civil Service Reform led by the Bourbon Democrats and followed by the Republican Mugwumps, especially Samuel J. Tilden and Grover Cleveland. There was a sense that government intervention in the economy inevitably led to favoritism, bribery, kickbacks, inefficiency, waste, and corruption. The Bourbon Democrats led the call for a free market, low tariffs, low taxes, less spending and, in general, a Laissez-Faire (hands-off) government. They specifically denounced imperialism and overseas expansion. Many business and professional people supported this approach, although—to encourage rapid growth of industry and protect America's high wages against the low wage system in Europe—most Republicans advocated a high protective tariff. Labor activists and agrarians expressed the same spirit but focused their attacks on monopolies and railroads as unfair to the little man. Many Republicans also complained that high tariffs, for instance on British steel, benefited industrialists like Carnegie more than his employees who even at the time were regarded by many as being pitifully exploited. In politics, the two parties engaged in very elaborate get-out-the vote campaigns that succeeded in pushing turnout to 80%, 90%, and even higher. It was financed by the "spoils system" whereby the winning party distributed most local, state and national government jobs, and many government contracts, to its loyal supporters. Large cities were dominated by political machines, in which constituents supported a candidate in exchange for anticipated patronage—favors back from the government, once that candidate was elected—and candidates were selected based on their willingness to play along. The best known example of a political machine from this time period is Tammany Hall in New York City, led by Boss Tweed. Presidential elections between the two major parties (the Republicans and Democrats), were closely contested, and Congress was marked by political stalemate. Mudslinging became an increasingly popular way of gaining advantage at the polls, and Republicans employed an election tactic known as "waving the bloody shirt". Candidates, especially when combating corruption charges, would remind voters that the Republican Party had saved the nation in the Civil War. During the 1870s, voters were repeatedly reminded that the Democrats had been responsible for the bloody upheaval, an appeal that attracted many Union veterans to the Republican camp. The Republicans consistently carried the North in presidential elections. The South, on the other hand, became the Solid South, nearly always voting Democratic. The political humiliations of Reconstruction were still fresh in many minds. Conversely, the Democrats invoked images of the "lost cause" and the glorious "stars and bars" in much the same way Republicans "waved the bloody shirt." The corruption of the Republican organization led to the defection of a group of reformers called the Mugwumps that supported Democrat Grover Cleveland in 1884. This victory gave Democrats control of the presidency for the first time since the Civil War (not counting the ascension of Andrew Johnson who was technically elected as part of the Union Party). Overall, Republican and Democratic political platforms remained remarkably constant during the years before 1900. The negativity and ambiguity of politics began a shift in the press to yellow journalism, in which sensationalism and sentimental stories took as prominent a role as factual news. [edit] ImmigrationMain article: History of immigration to the United States
Prior to the Gilded Age, the time commonly referred to as the old immigration saw the first real boom of new arrivals to the United States. During the Gilded Age, approximately 10 million immigrants came to the United States in what is known as the new immigration, many in search of religious freedom and greater prosperity. The population surge in major U.S. cities as a result of immigration gave cities an even stronger impact on government, attracting power-hungry politicians and entrepreneurs. Pressuring voters or falsifying ballots was commonplace for politicians, who often sought power only to exploit their constituents. To accommodate the influx of people into the U.S., the federal government built Ellis Island in 1892 near the Statue of Liberty. After 1892, a short physical examination was given; those with contagious diseases were not admitted. Few immigrants went to the poverty-stricken South. [edit] Chinese immigrantsThe construction of the Central Pacific railroad in California and Nevada was handled largely by Chinese laborers. In the 1870 census there were 58 Chinese men and 4 women in the entire country; these numbers grew to 100,000 men and 40,000 women in the 1880 census.[1] Labor unions such as the American Federation of Labor strongly opposed the presence of Chinese labor, by reason of both economic competition and race. Immigrants from China were not allowed to become citizens until 1950; however, their children born in the U.S. were full citizens. Congress banned further Chinese immigration through the Chinese Exclusion Act in 1882; the act prohibited Chinese laborers from entering the United States, but some students and businessmen were allowed in. Subsequent to the act, the Chinese population declined to only 37,000 in 1940. Although many returned to China (a greater proportion than most other immigrant groups), most of them stayed in the United States. Chinese people were unwelcome in many areas, so they resettled in the "Chinatown" districts of large cities. [edit] Urban lifeSociety itself underwent significant changes in the period following the Civil War. One of the most significant changes came in the further urbanization of the northern cities. As a result of increasing demand for factory workers as well as mass immigration from Europe, the population of cities began to swell. Major American cities such as New York and Chicago even saw populations grow in excess of one million people. These rapid changes in cities brought about modern architectural and transportation features. Louis Sullivan became a noted architect using steel frames to construct skyscrapers for the first time while pioneering the idea of "form follows function". One of his earliest works was the Wainwright Building in St. Louis, Missouri. Elisha Otis’ introduction of safety measures on elevators also helped building reach newer heights. American cities also expanded underground. In order to reduce congestion on the streets, major cities such as New York began to construct underground railroads, the forerunners to modern subways. As immigration increased in cities, poverty rose as well. New immigrants were forced to live in the poorest urban areas including the Five Points and Hell’s Kitchen in Manhattan. These areas were quickly overridden with crime gangs such as the Five Points Gang and the Bowery Boys rose to prominence. Families were forced into miserable living conditions in the so-called “dumbbell tenements” where multiple families would share rooms designed for single occupants. It was not until Danish photographer Jacob Riis published his photographic essay How the Other Half Lives that real attention was called to the unsafe and unsanitary conditions of tenement living. [edit] Social changesDuring the Gilded Age, many new social movements took hold in the United States. Many women abolitionists who were disappointed that the Fifteenth Amendment did not extend voting rights to them remained active in politics, this time focusing on issues important to them. Reviving the temperance movement from the Second Great Awakening, many women joined the Women’s Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) in an attempt to bring morality back to America. Other women took up the issue of women’s suffrage which had laid dormant since the Seneca Falls Convention With leaders like Susan B. Anthony the National American Woman Suffrage Association (NAWSA) was formed in order to secure the right of women to vote. Science also played an important part in social though as the work of Charles Darwin became popular. Following in Darwin’ s idea of natural selection, English philosopher Herbert Spencer proposed the idea of social Darwinism. This new concept justified the stratification of the wealthy and poor and coined the term “survival of the fittest.” Joining Spencer was Yale University professor William Graham Sumner whose book What Social Classes Owe to Each Other argued that assistance to the poor actually weakens their ability to survive in society. Sumner argued for a laissez faire and free market economy. Not everyone agreed with the social Darwinists and soon a whole movement to help the poor arose. Henry George proposed a “single tax” in his book Progress and Poverty. The tax would be leveled on the rich and poor alike, with the excess money collected used to equalize wealth and level out society. cIn Chicago, noted attorney Clarence Darrow made vocal arguments that poverty and not biology created crime. Wisconsin-born author Thorstein Veblen argued in his book The Theory of the Leisure Class that the “conspicuous consumption and conspicuous leisure" of the wealth had become the basis of social status in America. In Looking Backward author Edward Bellamy writes of a future America set in the year 2000 in which a socialist paradise has been established. The works of authors such as George and Bellamy became popular and soon clubs were created across America to discuss their ideas although these organizations rarely made any real social change. The Third Great Awakening which began before the Civil War returned and made a significant change in religious attitudes toward social progress. Followers of the new Awakening promoted the idea of the Social Gospel which gave rise to organizations such as the YMCA; Salvation Army, and settlement houses such as Hull House founded by Jane Addams in Chicago. 集体行动之困境—— 搭便车理论述评一、搭便车理论的核心观点以及方法论基础 本书作者奥尔森创造性的在集体行动的研究领域,引入了传统经济学经常强调的个体主义方法论的视角。 传统的社会理论家研究集团行为时总是认为,组织或集团的存在是为了维护其成员的共同利益,而且它们也能有效的做到这一点。而奥尔森从经济学的个人主义视角出发,首先假定,每个人都是理性人,而理性人的显著特征就是行为前要进行成本收益的计算和权衡,以追求自身效用的最大化为目的,即使在组织或集团中也是如此,由此得出了相反的结论:理性的自利的个人不会积极主动地发动集体行动、提供集体物品以满足所属集团或组织 的需要,必须对集团成员实施选择性激励才能提高成员提供集体物品的可能性。具体来说,不同规模和性质的集团对其成员行为有不同影响。在集体物品的获取方面,小集团比大集团更有优势。集团越大,它提供的集体物品的数量就会越低于最优数量。而在抱有共同利益的小集团中,存在着少数“剥削”多数的令人惊讶的倾向。可以说,个体主义方法论和理性人假设是本书所提出的搭便车理论模型的方法论基础。 二、基本概念 1,理性人:理性人是指这样的人,他们在现有的约束条件下,根据某个实践理性或者效用最大化的标准,鉴于自己的信念和愿望,来选择可用的最佳行动方案。经济人是理性人的典型代表。但奥尔森认为,理性人并不简单等同于经济人,理性人并不一定像经济人那样是完全自利的。(奥尔森,2003:73) 2,集体物品或公共物品(public goods): 在本书中,集体物品是指由集团提供的服务于整个集团中所有成员的物品(产品、服务或收益),它具有高度的非竞争性、非排他性特点,也即有些成员不用付出任何成本就可免费获得该物品。 3,大集团与小集团:奥尔森把集团粗略的分为大集团和小集团两种。大集团,可被粗略定义为由理性人组成的规模比较大的集团。小集团,可被定义为理性人组成的规模比较小的集团。 4,排外集团与相容集团:根据集团寻求的目标的性质的不同,可以把集团分为排外集团和相容集团。前者追求排他性的利益,主要指涉市场中的竞争性企业集团,它所追求的集体物品(更高的价格)带来的收益在供给上是固定的,某个集团的收益会造成其他集团收益的潜在损失;后者追求相容性的利益,主要指涉非市场集团,它所追求的集体物品带来的收益在供给上是不固定的,某个集团的壮大并不会减少其他集团的收益,反而可能使其他集团受益。两种性质的集团中的个体之间的关系十分不同,排外集团中的成员具有公认的相互依赖和寡头卖方的相互作用的特点,而在相容集团中,讨价还价或策略性的相互作用则没有那么普遍和重要。 5,市场集团与非市场集团:在本书中,前者与排外集团等同,后者与相容集团等同。 6,纯粹垄断集团、寡头垄断集团以及原子式集团:奥尔森把市场集团或排外集团分为以下三类——在产业中独占整个市场的垄断性企业被称为纯粹垄断集团,占据市场绝大多数份额的少量企业或企业集团被称为寡头垄断集团,在市场自由竞争中彼此势均力敌,因此无一家企业对其他企业有显著影响的情况下彼此相对独立的众多企业被称为原子式集团。 7,特权集团、中介集团、潜在集团:“特权”集团和“中间”集团是与市场集团的寡头卖方垄断所对应的非市场集团类型:特权集团中的每个成员或至少其中的某个人受到激励提供集体物品,即使他得承担全部成本。在“中间集团”中,没有一个成员获得的收益份额使他有动力单独提供集体物品,但其成员数量并没有大到成员间彼此注意不到其他人是否在帮助提供集体物品。而潜在集团是原子式集团在非市场条件下的对应物,由于某个成员的行为不会对其他人产生明显的影响,因此其中的成员不会受到任何激励来为获取集体物品而行动。三者同时也是按照集团规模来划分的,由特权集团到潜在集团(大集团),集团规模依次增大。 8,压力集团或游说组织:本人比较倾向于沃塞曼的定义,即一部分人组织起来为追求共同利益而对政治过程施加压力的集团。(加里•沃塞曼,1994:182) 三、本书的论证结构梗概 1、先破后立——理论模型的建立(第一章、第二章): 本书一开始就批判了传统的集团利益观,认为虽然如传统集团理论所说,每个集团都是为其成员的共同利益服务的,然而由于每个集团中的成员一般来说都是自利的理性人,而非为集体利益而无私献身的“傻瓜”,因此他们会计算自己所付出的成本和收益之间的比例关系,使得集体物品的供给(其供给是集体利益实现的重要方面)并非传统集团理论想象的那样是一帆风顺的,而是充满了挫折和不确定性。 然后作者又批判了传统的社团理论(以随意变体理论和正式变体理论为代表)。随意变体理论认为私人组织和集团是无处不在的,这一普遍性是由人类有着组织和参加社团这一根本习性决定的。正式变体理论试图把今天社团和集团的存在解释成现代工业会社会从以前的“原始”社会进化而来的一个方面。现代社会中的大型社团在某种意义上正是原始社会中小集团的等价物,两者有着同样的起源。这些起源可能是组织和参加社团的本能或嗜好,也可能是功能。尽管存在一些差异,但它们都假设,小集团和大集团只是等级不同,而性质(凝聚力、有效性、对潜在成员的吸引力等)却相同,都出于同样的理由吸引其成员。 作者指出,其实两者是按照不同的原则运作的。作者认真研究了不同大小的集团中的个人可以采取的行为的成本和收益,首先研究了小集团的优势,然后把集团分为相容集团和排外集团两大重要类别,指出两种集团中同样存在着截然不同的关系机制,最后得出结论:只有在相容集团中,才存在着提供集体物品的可能性。 相容性大集团中普遍存在较严重的搭便车现象,因而不能很好的为自己提供集体物品,而与相容性大集团相比,相容性小集团在提供公共物品上有极大的优势。 具体来说,有三个独立的但是累积的因素使较大的集团不能增进他们自身的利益。第一,集团越大,增进集团利益的人获得的集团总收益的份额就越小,有利于集团的行动得到的报酬就越少,这样即使集团能够获得一定量的集体物品,其数量也是远远低于最优水平的。第二,由于集团越大,任一个体,或集团中成员的任何(绝对)小子集能获得的总收益的份额就越小,就越不可能出现可以帮助获得集体物品的寡头卖方垄断的相互作用。第三,集团成员的数量越大,组织成本就越高。由于这些原因,集团越大,它就越不可能提供最优水平的集体物品,而且很大的集团在没有强制或独立的外界刺激的条件下,一般不会为自己提供哪怕是最小数量的集体物品。(奥尔森,2003:39-40) 而某些小集团不用靠任何强制或任何集体物品之外的正面的诱因就会给自己提供集体物品。因为,他从集体物品获得的个人收益超过了提供一定量集体物品的总成本;有些成员即使必须承担所有成本,得到的好处还是比不提供集体物品时来的多。作者进一步指出,在存在着相当程度的不平等的小集团中,即在成员的“规模”(指成员从一定水平的集体物品供给中的获益程度)不等或对集体物品的兴趣不等的集团中,集体物品最有可能被提供。(奥尔森,2003:28) 那么,该怎样解决搭便车困境呢?作者指出,只有一种独立的和“选择性”的激励会驱使潜在集团中的理性个体采取有利于集团的行动。这种选择性的激励必须是针对个体的,使得集体中做出贡献和没有作出贡献的人,作出贡献多和做出贡献少的人得到区分对待,“赏罚分明”。因此,这种激励包括正面的奖励和负面的惩罚两大部分。赵鼎新认为,这种机制可被概括为“不平等原理”,即组织内部在权力、利益、贡献和分配上都不能搞平均主义。(赵鼎新,2006:159) 此外,作者还论述了在“联邦”集团中,社会激励可以在潜在集团中导致集团导向的行动。联邦集团的特点是,一个大集团被分成几个小集团,这样在每个附属的小集团中社会激励都会鼓励成员为实现整个联邦的集体目标做出贡献。这一解决方案被赵鼎新概括为“组织结构原理”。(赵鼎新,2006:159) 2、与其他理论的对话以及对搭便车理论的实证分析(第三章至第六章) 虽然本书共有六章,但是核心章节只有两章,即前两章,对后来的研究者影响最大的也是这两章。本书后边的章节在一定程度上都是对前边章节所提出理论的说明、印证及补充。第三章以封闭的工会作为典型案例,通过对美国工会历史的详细考察,批驳了塞利格•帕尔曼的“职业控制论”,强调了强制性对于维持工会稳定性的重要作用,从而从反面印证了搭便车行为的普遍存在。第四章和第五章,作者分别列举和批判了国家和压力集团的正统理论,与它们进行理论的对话。指出了经济学家维克赛尔的“一致同意”纳税理论和里切尔的“人的二重性”理论的局限性,马克思的国家和阶级理论之所以失败的根源所在,以及在自由主义和多元主义哲学观指导下各种压力集团理论的软肋:只强调集团利益,忽视了个人利益对于集体行动的重要性。第六章属于理论联系实际的分析典范,在本章里,作者对各种主要的经济压力集团的集体行动做了搭便车理论的分析,顺便提出了副产品理论和特殊利益理论,并指出搭便车理论的弱点在于,它不能很好的解释非经济游说团体的行为。 四、本书的其他重要结论 1,工会的产生不能用工人对就业机会稀缺感到悲观来解释(塞利格。帕尔曼的“职业控制论”,“机会共产主义”,对稀缺的工作机会进行分配),限期加入工会或其他形式的强制对工会的力量和稳定是极其重要的。因此,塞利格•帕尔曼的“职业控制论”和“机会共产主义”(即认为工会成立的主要目的是为了对相对稀缺的工作机会在工会成员中进行分配)的观点是错误的。(奥尔森,2003:97-98) 2,没有出现马克思预言的那种阶级斗争,部分原因正是出于理性的功利主义行为。因为如果组成阶级的个体采取理性的行为,就不会产生争取阶级利益的行为。马克思的阶级行动表现出大型潜在集团在争取实现集体目标时所具有的特点。(奥尔森,2003:128-129) 3,大型压力集团的副产品理论:大经济集团的游说疏通团体是那些有能力以“选择性的激励”来“动员”潜在集团的组织的副产品。具有选择性激励的组织是:1,具有行使强制性措施的权威和能力;2,具有能向潜在集团中的个人提供积极诱导能力源泉的那些组织。此理论只适用于大集团或潜在集团,而不必适用于特权或中介集团。(奥尔森,2003:166) 4,特殊利益理论:商界权力的高度化证明,小集团有组织、积极的利益是能胜过大集团无组织、无保护的利益的。(奥尔森,2003:173-175) 五、对本书搭便车理论的探讨、批评和延伸 1,对小集团提供集体物品或采取集体行动优势的质疑 主要可以有两点质疑。第一个质疑来自“囚徒困境”。囚徒困境表明,即使是只有两个人组成的小集团也有可能不采取合作行为,不能提供集体物品。奥尔森在《权力与繁荣》一书中对此做了回应。他指出,问题的关键在于,两个囚徒被警察(额外的特殊环境)隔离开了,因此两个囚徒不能相互沟通。奥尔森进一步指出,小集团可以进行集体行动的逻辑适用于任何相关方能够进行互相沟通并能够达成强制执行协议的情况。(奥尔森,2005:60-61)第二个质疑来自古老的中国谚语“三个和尚没水吃”,以上谚语表明日常生活中普遍存在小集团无法进行集体行动的情况 。其实,奥尔森对此也有回答,并写在后边的注释里边,可能一般不容易被读者注意到。奥尔森指出,小集团中可能存在不成功的讨价还价,从而导致小集团也无法提供集体物品。然而,从长期来看,小集团中的所有成员不大可能永远都犯这样的错误。也许三个和尚暂时没有水喝,可是经过长期的沟通互动、讨价还价之后,三个和尚之间一般来说应该会达成一致的行为协议。(奥尔森,2003:62) 2,对搭便车的定义和分类 本书虽然创立了搭便车理论,虽然书中主要讲的就是大集团中的搭便车现象,但本书中没有一处明确提及“搭便车”的字眼。.因此可以推知,搭便车这个概念是本书发表之后,一些评论者提出来的。因此,读完本书之后,有必要对搭便车的做一个比较明确的定义,个人比较认同斯密德的定义:“高排他成本物品的非贡献使用者被称为搭便车者。”(艾伦•斯密德,2006:67) 斯密德不仅明确提出了搭便车的简明定义,还对搭便车者进行了区分,将其区分为冒险的搭便车者、无意的搭便车者和非自愿搭车者。冒险的搭便车者是指,在小集团的策略性谈判过程中,宁愿放弃未来的可能较大份额而谋求眼前的最大份额的集团成员。无意的搭便车者,则是指奥尔森书中所提到的,大集团中依据理性计算而选择坐享其成的理性的个体成员。而非自愿搭车者,则被定义为在高排他成本和管理结构下,不得不支付他们不需要的物品费用的人(愿意支付的费用低于价格)。(艾伦•斯密德,2006:68-69) 然而本人认为,也许还存在一种极其广泛的搭便车现象,是上述所无法准确的涵盖的。我暂且称之为“文化便车”现象。以他人或他群的思考代替自己的思考,以他人或他群的行为方式代替自己的行为方式,或以遥远的传统或惯例作为现在的价值观和行为准则,而行为者本人几乎不用付出任何努力,只需接受和理解(甚至理解也可有可无)即可。也许有人会说这是模仿和学习文化的过程,但搭文化便车者与模仿和学习文化者的最大区别在于,后者往往需要付出相当的主观努力才能习得所学的东西,而后者基本上不需要为此付出主观的努力或代价,也许可以恰当的称之为“文化惰性”。 路径依赖者,教条主义者,学术抄袭者,盗版者,产品侵权者等等基本上都可以归入此类。很多人已经意识到了这种现象的普遍存在(尤其是在中国),分别提出了学术搭便车行为,企业技术创新搭便车行为等都可以纳入此类。搭“文化便车”者与其他的搭便车者的显著不同在于,他们所“搭乘”的集体物品的性质是典型的“非零和型公共物品”。这种因惰性和利益驱使而导致的“文化便车”现象与其他的搭便车现象相比,一般会对社会带来更大更广泛的负面影响,然而又似乎永远无法完全避免。对“文化便车”我们现在所做的,只是强调严打文化便车者,而在很大程度上忽略了对各种搭文化便车者的具体行为机制和动因等的分析,也忽略了对文化生产者的权益的充分保障。 3,相互依赖情况下搭便车的成因 艾伦•斯密德还讨论了在相互依赖的情况下,导致行动者搭便车的其他因素。这些因素主要包括:一些人隐藏偏好,以期免费获得物品;不公平感(认为别人承担的成本太低);认为过去的交易不公平。双方无权要求对方自律,更促进了搭便车的产生。 4,忽略了其他社会机制对集体行动的影响 面对搭便车困境,奥尔森只提出了一点即“选择性激励“作为解决搭便车问题的方案。然而,他忽略了其他机制在形成集体行动中的作用。比如,马威尔和奥利佛指出,在集体行动过程中有一个临界点机制。为此,他们提出了关键群体理论。费尔曼和甘姆森进一步把选择性激励区分为外在选择性激励和内在选择性激励,并认为奥尔森的理论过于强调前者从而忽视了后者。(赵鼎新,2006:161) 5,意识形态对于发动集体行动的重要性未被有效驳倒 奥尔森曾以国家为例,来反驳感情或意识形态因素对搭便车者的限制。他认为,国家掌握着具有强大感召力的意识形态资源,如爱国主义、民主或共产主义等来赢得国民的团结和支持,然而,没有一个国家能靠自愿的集资或捐款来供养自己,它们只能求助于强制的税款。分析是不错,不过,国家对私人的意识形态控制并非刚性的。官方意识形态在当代社会越来越成为表面文章,实际上更深入人心的是各种民间文化或潜文化。 因此,奥尔森的此段论述似乎不太具有说服力。事实上,从当代社会运动理论的研究中,也可以看到意识形态对集体行动的巨大影响。 6,搭便车的社会后果 在1985年出版的《国家的繁荣》一书中,奥尔森运用本书所提出的集体行动理论从宏观层次上对分利集团的集体行动的社会后果进行了分析。奥尔森认为,任何集团或组织原则上有两条改善成员福利的途径:或者使全社会的生产增加,或者在原有的总产量内为其成员争取更大的份额。在搭便车倾向的诱导下,一般的集团都选择后一条途径,从而成为“分利集团”。这导致国民收入的重新分配,打击全社会的生产积极性,因而引起社会经济效率和总产出的下降。分利集团的行为还会给社会带来很多负面影响。院外游说活动增加了立法的复杂性并扩大了政府的活动范围,而市场中的共谋和有组织的活动则增大了讨价还价的难度和达成协议的复杂性。院外游说活动和卡特尔行为所花费的成本在上产成本中所占比例上升,导致资源浪费。这一事实又进一步影响社会意识和文化,从而改变社会演进的方向。(许云霄,2006:127-129) 然而,搭便车的存在未必会对社会福利造成以上论述的那么大的损失。首先,马威尔和奥利佛指出,现实生活中有两种公共物品。第一种在群体数量增加时它们的好处会减少,比如公路、公园等,因此被称之为“零和型公共物品”。另一种在群体数量增加时,每个个体从中获取的好处并不会减少,比如和平、民主、法制、科技等,因此被称之为“非零和型公共物品”。(赵鼎新,2006:161)除了以上所指出的“文化便车”的特殊情况外,搭“非零和型公共物品”的一般不会带来社会福利的损失,反而有可能增加社会福利。第二,由于现实生活中制约搭便车的因素还有很多,比如以上所提出的意识形态的作用,还有选择性激励的作用,社会关系网络的作用等各种因素大大降低了搭便车的行为发生率。第三,事实证明,尽管中国同样存在许多搭便车现象,尽管中国也存在很多分利集团,但中国的社会总产出和经济效率并未像奥尔森所分析的那样下降,反而飞速增长和发展。不过,这并不足以证明奥尔森的理论是错误的,只能说明奥尔森过于夸大了搭便车和分利集团的负面影响。 10,搭便车理论的适用性问题 奥尔森指出,他的理论的主要考察对象是主要的经济压力集团组织。而在分析一些以社会、政治、宗教或慈善为目的的游说疏通团体时(非经济性利益团体),并不显得很有说服力。该理论对于理性化程度很低的集团也并非十分有效。比如为无谓的事业工作的一群义务工作者。 参考文献 A•艾伦•斯密德,2006,《 财产、权力和公共选择》,黄祖辉等译,上海:上海人民出版社 加里•沃塞曼,1994,《美国政治基础》,陆震纶等译,北京:中国社会科学出版社 曼瑟尔•奥尔森,2003,《集体行动的逻辑》,上海:上海人民出版社 曼瑟尔•奥尔森,2005,《权力与繁荣》,上海:上海人民出版社 赵鼎新,2006,《社会与政治运动讲义》,北京:社会科学文献出版社 许云霄 编著,2006,《公共选择理论》,北京:北京大学出版社 April 17 Iterative methodIn computational mathematics, an iterative method attempts to solve a problem (for example an equation or system of equations) by finding successive approximations to the solution starting from an initial guess. This approach is in contrast to direct methods, which attempt to solve the problem by a finite sequence of operations, and, in the absence of rounding errors, would deliver an exact solution (like solving a linear system of equations Ax = b by Gaussian elimination). Iterative methods are usually the only choice for nonlinear equations. However, iterative methods are often useful even for linear problems involving a large number of variables (sometimes of the order of millions), where direct methods would be prohibitively expensive (and in some cases impossible) even with the best available computing power. [edit] Attractive fixed pointsIf an equation can be put into the form f(x) = x, and a solution x is an attractive fixed point of the function f, then one may begin with a point x1 in the basin of attraction of x, and let xn+1 = f(xn) for n ≥ 1, and the sequence {xn}n ≥ 1 will converge to the solution x. If the function f is continuously differentiable, a sufficient condition for convergence is that the spectral radius of the derivative is strictly bounded by one in a neighborhood of the fixed point. If this condition holds at the fixed point, then a sufficiently small neighborhood (basin of attraction) must exist. [edit] Linear systemsIn the case of a system of linear equations, the two main classes of iterative methods are the stationary iterative methods, and the more general Krylov subspace methods. [edit] Stationary iterative methodsStationary iterative methods solve a linear system with an operator approximating the original one; and based on a measurement of the error (the residual), form a correction equation for which this process is repeated. While these methods are simple to derive, implement, and analyse, convergence is only guaranteed for a limited class of matrices. Examples of stationary iterative methods are the Jacobi method and the Gauss–Seidel method. [edit] Krylov subspace methodsKrylov subspace methods form an orthogonal basis of the sequence of successive matrix powers times the initial residual (the Krylov sequence). The approximations to the solution are then formed by minimizing the residual over the subspace formed. The prototypical method in this class is the conjugate gradient method (CG). Other methods are the generalized minimal residual method (GMRES) and the biconjugate gradient method (BiCG). [edit] ConvergenceSince these methods form a basis, it is evident that the method converges in N iterations, where N is the system size. However, in the presence of rounding errors this statement does not hold; moreover, in practice N can be very large, and the iterative process reaches sufficient accuracy already far earlier. The analysis of these methods is hard, depending on a complicated function of the spectrum of the operator. [edit] PreconditionersThe approximating operator that appears in stationary iterative methods can also be incorporated in Krylov subspace methods such as GMRES (alternatively, preconditioned Krylov methods can be considered as accelerations of stationary iterative methods), where they become transformations of the original operator to a presumably better conditioned one. The construction of preconditioners is a large research area. [edit] HistoryProbably the first iterative method for solving a linear system appeared in a letter of Gauss to a student of his. He proposed solving a 4-by-4 system of equations by repeatedly solving the component in which the residual was the largest. The theory of stationary iterative methods was solidly established with the work of D.M. Young starting in the 1950s. The Conjugate Gradient method was also invented in the 1950s, with independent developments by Cornelius Lanczos, Magnus Hestenes and Eduard Stiefel, but its nature and applicability were misunderstood at the time. Only in the 1970s was it realized that conjugacy based methods work very well for partial differential equations, especially the elliptic type. Gradient descentGradient descent is a first-order optimization algorithm. To find a local minimum of a function using gradient descent, one takes steps proportional to the negative of the gradient (or the approximate gradient) of the function at the current point. If instead one takes steps proportional to the gradient, one approaches a local maximum of that function; the procedure is then known as gradient ascent. Gradient descent is also known as steepest descent, or the method of steepest descent. When known as the latter, gradient descent should not be confused with the method of steepest descent for approximating integrals.
[edit] DescriptionGradient descent is based on the observation that if the real-valued function is defined and differentiable in a neighborhood of a point , then decreases fastest if one goes from in the direction of the negative gradient of F at , . It follows that, if for γ > 0 a small enough number, then . With this observation in mind, one starts with a guess for a local minimum of F, and considers the sequence such that We have so hopefully the sequence converges to the desired local minimum. Note that the value of the step size γ is allowed to change at every iteration. This process is illustrated in the picture to the right. Here F is assumed to be defined on the plane, and that its graph has a bowl shape. The blue curves are the contour lines, that is, the regions on which the value of F is constant. A red arrow originating at a point shows the direction of the negative gradient at that point. Note that the (negative) gradient at a point is orthogonal to the contour line going through that point. We see that gradient descent leads us to the bottom of the bowl, that is, to the point where the value of the function F is minimal. [edit] ExamplesGradient descent has problems with pathological functions such as the Rosenbrock function shown here. The Rosenbrock function has a narrow curved valley which contains the minimum. The bottom of the valley is very flat. Because of the curved flat valley the optimization is zig-zagging slowly with small stepsizes towards the minimum. The gradient ascent method applied to : [edit] CommentsGradient descent works in spaces of any number of dimensions, even in infinite-dimensional ones. In the latter case the search space is typically a function space, and one calculates the Gâteaux derivative of the functional to be minimized to determine the descent direction. Two weaknesses of gradient descent are:
A more powerful algorithm is given by the BFGS method which consists in calculating on every step a matrix by which the gradient vector is multiplied to go into a "better" direction, combined with a more sophisticated line search algorithm, to find the "best" value of γ. Gradient descent is in fact Euler's method for solving ordinary differential equations applied to a gradient flow. As the goal is to find the minimum, not the flow line, the error in finite methods is less significant. [edit] A computational exampleThe gradient descent algorithm is applied to find a local minimum of the function f(x)=x4-3x3+2 , with derivative f'(x)=4x3-9x2. Here is an implementation in the C programming language. #include <stdio.h> #include <stdlib.h> #include <math.h> int main () { // From calculation, we expect that the local minimum occurs at x=9/4 // The algorithm starts at x=6 double xOld = 0; double xNew = 6; double eps = 0.01; // step size double precision = 0.00001; while (fabs(xNew - xOld) > precision) { xOld = xNew; xNew = xNew - eps*(4*xNew*xNew*xNew-9*xNew*xNew); } printf ("Local minimum occurs at %lg\n", xNew); } With this precision, the algorithm converges to a local minimum of 2.24996 in 70 iterations. A more robust implementation of the algorithm would also check whether the function value indeed decreases at every iteration and would make the step size smaller otherwise. One can also use an adaptive step size which may make the algorithm converge faster. Method of steepest descentIn mathematics, the steepest descent method or saddle-point approximation is a method used to approximate integrals of the form where f(x) is some twice-differentiable function, M is a large number, and the integral endpoints a and b could possibly be infinite. The technique is also often referred to as Laplace's method, which in fact concerns the special case of real-valued functions f admitting a maximum at a real point.
The idea of Laplace's methodAssume that the function f(x) has a unique global maximum at x0. Then, the value f(x0) will be larger than other values f(x). If we multiply this function by a large number M, the gap between Mf(x0) and Mf(x) will only increase, and then it will grow exponentially for the function As such, significant contributions to the integral of this function will come only from points x in a neighborhood of x0, which can then be estimated. General theory of Laplace's methodTo state and prove the method, we need several assumptions. We will assume that x0 is not an endpoint of the interval of integration, that the values f(x) cannot be very close to f(x0) unless x is close to x0, and that f'''(x0) < 0. We can expand f(x) around x0 by Taylor's theorem, Since f has a global maximum at x0, and since x0 is not an endpoint, it is a stationary point, the derivative of f vanishes at x0. Therefore, the function f(x) may be approximated to quadratic order for x close to x0 (recall that the second derivative is negative at the global maximum f(x0)). The assumptions made ensure the accuracy of the approximation where the integral is taken in a neighborhood of x0. This latter integral is a Gaussian integral if the limits of integration go from −∞ to +∞ (which can be assumed so because the exponential decays very fast away from x0), and thus it can be calculated. We find A generalization of this method and extension to arbitrary precision is provided by Fog (2008). Steepest descentIn extensions of Laplace's method, complex analysis, and in particular Cauchy's integral formula, is used to find a contour of steepest descent for an (asymptotically with large M) equivalent integral, expressed as a line integral. In particular, if no point x0 where the derivative of f vanishes exists on the real line, it may be necessary to deform the integration contour to an optimal one, where the above analysis will be possible. Again the main idea is to reduce, at least asymptotically, the calculation of the given integral to that of a simpler integral that can be explicitly evaluated. See the book of Erdelyi (1956) for a simple discussion (where the method is termed steepest descents). Further generalizationsAn extension of the steepest descent method is the so-called nonlinear stationary phase/steepest descent method. Here, instead of integrals, one needs to evaluate asymptotically solutions of Riemann-Hilbert factorization problems. Given a contour C in the complex sphere, a function f defined on that contour and a special point, say infinity, one seeks a function M holomorphic away from the contour C, with prescribed jump across C, and with a given normalization at infinity. If f and hence M are matrices rather than scalars this is a problem that in general does not admit an explicit solution. An asymptotic evaluation is then possible along the lines of the linear stationary phase/steepest descent method. The idea is to reduce asymptotically the solution of the given Riemann-Hilbert problem to that of a simpler, explicitly solvable, Riemann-Hilbert problem. Cauchy's theorem is used to justify deformations of the jump contour. The nonlinear stationary phase was introduced by Deift and Zhou in 1993, based on earlier work of Its. A (properly speaking) nonlinear steepest descent method was introduced by Kamvissis, K. McLaughlin and P. Miller in 2003, based on previous work of Lax, Levermore, Deift, Venakides and Zhou. The nonlinear stationary phase/steepest descent method has applications to the theory of soliton equations and integrable models, random matrices and combinatorics. Complex integralsFor complex integrals in the form: with t >> 1, we make the substitution t = iu and the change of variable s = c + ix to get the Laplace bilateral transform: We then split g(c+ix) in its real and complex part, after which we recover u = t / i. This is useful for inverse Laplace transforms, the Perron formula and complex integration. Example: Stirling's approximationLaplace's method can be used to derive Stirling's approximation for a large integer N. From the definition of the Gamma function, we have Now we change variables, letting so that Plug these values back in to obtain This integral has the form necessary for Laplace's method with which is twice-differentiable: The maximum of f(z) lies at z0=1, and the second derivative of f(z) has at this point the value -1. Therefore, we obtain [转]金融学、公司金融参考阅读书目和论文(强烈推荐)这是我学校一位教授(美国博士)介绍给我的参考书目(下面注释为该教授所写),主要是金融方面的,侧重Corporate Finance,不是简单的罗列,里面基本都是有价值的文章。主要提供给想做学术的朋友,做学术读大量的文章肯定是必须的,不是非学术所必须。
如果大家喜欢,麻烦顶一下,谢谢! Books
Fama, Eugene. 1976. “Foundations of Finance”. New York: Basic Books. ( 个人认为是最经典的书。写得好,讲得很清晰,有条不紊,读起来有意思。特别是基础不太好的同学,不可不读。) Fama, Eugene., and Miller, Merton. 1972. “The Theory of Finance”. Holt, Rinehart and Winston. (又是一本Fama的书。也很经典,但没什么印象了。) Campbell, J., Lo, A., and MacKinlay, A. 1997. “The Econometrics of Financial Markets”. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Cochrane, John, 2001. “Asset Pricing”. Princeton: Princeton University Press. (这就是号称“平生不读Cochrane, 自称Finance 也枉然”的Cochrane的大作。其实,你要是不做Asset Pricing,看懂前几个Chapters足够了。不太明白为什么这本书在中国这么火,莫非中国学生都做Asset pricing? 希望不要弄得又像大炼钢铁一样的结果。) R. Haugen. “Modern Investment Theory”. Upper Saddle River NJ: Prentice-Hall, Inc. (有一定难度的书,不知道现在出到几版了。) Elton, E., and Gruber, M. 1995. “Modern Portfolio Theory and Investment Analysis”, 5th Edition. New York: John Wiley & Sons, Inc. (也不太容易。) Smith, C. 1990. “The Modern Theory of Corporate Finance”. 2nd-edition. McGraw-Hill. (对做corporate finance比较有用。这本书其实就是收录了比较早和比较经典的corporate finance方面的文章。有点像“XX文摘精华版”。现在价值不是很大,因为其中收录的许多文章后面的list里都有。) Asset Pricing, Long-term Performance and Market Efficiency
(这个我不在行,拣我知道的写。) Cochrane, John. “New Facts in Finance”. Federal Reserve Bank of Chicago. (这是个通俗易读版。适合想要了解一下这个area, 又不想读很多数学的人。) Breeden, Douglas T. 1979. “An Intertemporal Asset Pricing Model with Stochastic Consumption and Investment Opportunities”. Journal of Financial Economics 7, 265-296. (看不懂数学没有关系,关键是看懂intuition.) Merton, Robert. 1973. “An Intertemporal Capital Asset Pricing Model”. Econometrica 41, 265-296. (这篇也一样,注重模型的intuition.) Ross, S. 1976, “The Arbitrage Theory of Capital Asset Pricing,” Journal of Economic Theory 13, 341-360. Sharpe, W. 1964. “Capital Asset Prices: A Theory of Market Equilibrium Under Conditions of Risk”. Journal of Finance 19, 425-442. Black, F. 1972. "Capital Market Equilibrium with Restricted Borrowing," Journal of Business 45, 444-455. Fama, E. 1991. “Efficient Capital Markets: II”. Journal of Finance 46, 1575-1617. (很长一篇文章,内容又多,当时读得挺痛苦。) Fama, E. 1970. “Efficient Capital Markets: A Review of Theory and Empirical Work”. Journal of Finance, 383-417. Chordia, Tarun., and Swaminathan, Bhaskaran. 2000. “Trading Volume and Cross-autocorrelations in Stock Returns”. Journal of Finance 55, 913-935. Narasimhan, Jegadeesh., and Titman, Sheridan. 2001. “Profitability of Momentum Strategies: An Evaluation of Alternative Explanations”. Journal of Finance 56, 699-720. Fama, E. and MacBeth, J. 1973. “Risk, Return, and Equilibrium: Empirical Tests”.Journal of Political Economy 91, 607-636. (大名鼎鼎的Fama-MacBeth regression 的出处。不过,Economists 好像并不买这个帐,觉得这种方法不make econometric sense. 吾也深有同感也。现在panel data等等都这么发达了,干嘛还死抱这种econometrics上面并不先进的方法不放呢?) Chen, N., Roll, R., and Ross, S. 1986. “Economic Forces and the Stock Market: Testing the APT and Alternative Asset Pricing Theories”. Journal of Business 59, 383-403. (说是叫testing APT, 其实更像testing CAPM. 很有名的,看了就知道。) Fama, E. and French, K. 1989. “Business Conditions and Expected Returns on Stocks and Bonds”. Journal of Financial Economics 25, 23-50. Fama, E. and French, K. 1992. “The Cross-Section of Expected Stock Returns”. Journal of Finance 47,? 427-465. Fama, E. and French, K. 1993. “Common Risk Factors in the Returns on Stocks and Bonds”. Journal of Financial Economics 33, 3-56. (这三篇是Fama-French 的经典三部曲。Three-factor model, five-factor model 就是由此而来。Pontiff 曾经抱怨过,他在Rochester当学生的时候曾想过做个类似的paper, 但老师们告诉他 “You can’t, because there is no theory...” 直到看到Fama-French的paper, 才感叹到,“只要人有名,有没有theory并不重要啊”。) Kothari, S.P., Shanken, J., and Sloan, R. 1995. “Another Look at the Cross-Section of Expected Stock Returns”. Journal of Finance 50, 185-224. Lakonishok, J., Shleifer, A., and Vishny, R. 1994. “Contrarian Investment, Extrapolation, and Risk”. Journal of Finance 49, 1541-1578. Chan, L., Jegadeesh, N., and Lakonishok, J. 1995. “Evaluating the Performance of Value Versus Glamour Stocks: The Impact of Selection Bias”. Journal of Financial Economics 38, 269-296. Lo, A. W., and MacKinlay, A. 1990. “Data-Snooping Biases in Tests of Financial Asset Pricing Models”. Review of Financial Studies, 3, 431-467. Lewellen J. 1999. "The Time-Series Relations among Expected Returns". Journal of Financial Economics 54, 5-43. (Lewellen 是个美国帅哥, 在MIT做得不错。为人比较能和人交往,presentation 做得很好,属于那种交流表达能力都很出色的人。) Lewellen J., and Shanken, J. 2002. “Learning, Asset-Pricing Tests, and Market Efficiency”. Journal of Finance, 1113-1145. Miller, Edward. 1977. “Risk, Uncertainty, and Divergence of Opinion”. Journal of Finance 32, 11651-1168. Jones, Charles M., and Lamont, Owen. 2002. “Short Sales Constraints and Stock Returns”. Journal of Financial Economics, 207-239. Chen, Joseph., Hong, H., and Stein, J. 2002. “Breadth of Ownership and Stock Returns” Journal of Financial Economics, 171-205. Dechow, Patricia., Hutton, A., Muelbroek, L., and Sloan, R. 2001. “Short Sellers, Fundamental Analysis, and Stock Returns”. Journal of Financial Economics 61, 77-106. (Dechow 和Sloan都是做Accounting的。据说因为合作得太多,两人走到了一起。) Dichev, Ilia D., and Piotroski, J. 2001. “The Long-run Stock Returns Following Bond Ratings Changes”. Journal of Finance 56, 173-203. Ikenberry, David., and Ramnath, Sundaresh. 2002, “Underreaction to Self-selected News Events: The Case of Stock-splits”. Review of Financial Studies 15, 489-526. Titman, Sheridan. 2002. “Discussion of ‘Underreaction to Self-selected News Events: The Case of Stock-splits”. Review of Financial Studies 15, 527-531. Lakonishok, J., and Smidt, S. 1988. “Are Seasonal Anomalies Real? A Ninety-Year Perspective”. Review of Financial Studies 1, 403-427. Lo, A., and MacKinlay, C. 1988. “Stock Market Prices Do Not Follow Random Walks: Evidence from a Simple Specification Test”. Review of Financial Studies 1, 41-66. Keim, D., and Stambaugh, R. 1986. “Predicting Returns in the Stock and Bond Markets”. Journal of Financial Economics 17, 357-390. Ferson, W., and Harvey, C. 1991. “The Variation of Economic Risk Premiums”. Journal of Political Economy 99, 385-415. Conrad, J., and Kaul, G. 1988, “Time Variation in Expected Returns”. Journal of Business, 409-426. Loughran, T., and Ritter, J. 1996, “Long-Term Market Overreaction: The Effect of Low-Priced Stocks”. Journal of Finance, 1959-1970. Boudoukh, J., Richardson, M., and Whitelaw, R. 1994. “A Tale of Three Schools: Insights on Autocorrelations of Short-Horizon Stock Returns”. Review of Financial Studies, 539-573. Jegadeesh, Narasimhan., and Titman, Sheridan. 1993, “Returns to Buying Winners and Selling Losers: Implications for Stock Market Efficiency”. Journal of Finance 48, 65-91. Daniel, K., and Titman, S. 1997. “Evidence of the Characteristics of Cross Sectional Variation in Stock Returns”. Journal of Finance, 1-33. Jegadeesh, N., and Titman, S. 2001. "Profitability of Momentum Strategies: An Evaluation of Alternative Explanations". Journal of Finance 56, 699-720. Lakonishok, J., Shleifer, A., and Vishny, R. 1994. “Contrarian Investment, Extrapolation, and Risk”. Journal of Finance 49, 1541-1578. Grinblatt, M., and Titman, S. 1989. “Portfolio Performance Evaluation: Old Issues and New Insights”. Review of Financial Studies 2, 393-422. Brown, S., Goetzmann, W., Ibbotson, R., and Ross, S. 1992. “Survivorship Bias in Performance Studies”. Review of Financial Studies 5, 553-580. Fama, Eugene., and French, Kenneth. 1996. “Multifactor Explanations of Asset-pricing Anomalies”. Journal of Finance 51, 55-84. Breeden, D., Gibbons, M., and Litzenberger, R. 1989. “Empirical Tests of the Consumption Oriented CAPM”. Journal of Finance 44, 231-262. Chan, K. C., Chen, N., and Hsieh, D. 1985. “An Exploratory Investigation of the Firm Size Effect”. Journal of Financial Economics 14, 451-471. Amihud, Y., and Mendelson, H. 1986. “Asset Pricing and the Bid-Ask Spread”. Journal of Financial Economics 17, 223-249. Ritter, J. 1991. “The Long-Run Performance of Initial Public Offerings”. Journal of Finance, 3-27. (Ritter 是long-term performance的开山祖师,提到long-term performance不能不提Ritter。另外,他也是IPO的大家,对IPO感兴趣的可去他的网站看看。) Loughran, T., and Ritter, J. 1995. “The New Issues Puzzle”. Journal of Finance, 23-51. (是上一篇的加强版。) Schultz, P. 2003. “Pseudo Market Timing and the Long-Run Underperformance of IPOs,” Journal of Finance 58, 483-518. (90年代中期,关于long-term performance measurement的问题吵得热火朝天,至到现在。) Barber, B., and Lyon, J. 1996. “Detecting Abnormal Operating Performance: The Empirical Power and Specification of Test Statistics”. Journal of Financial Economics 41, 359-99. Banking Diamond, Douglas W., and Dybvig, Philip H. 1983. “Bank Runs, Deposit Insurance,and Liquidity”, Journal of Political Economy, 91, 401 - 419. (Banking中的经典,虽然我不是做banking的,但认为不可不读) Diamond, Douglas W. 1997. “Liquidity, Banks, and Markets”, Journal of Political Economy, 105, 928-956. Calomiris, Charles W., and Kahn, Charles. 1991. “The Role of Demandable Debt in Structuring Optimal Banking Arrangements”. American Economic Review 81, 497-513. Kashyap, Anil K., Rajan, Raghuram., and Stein, Jeremy C. 2002. “Banks as Liquidity Providers: An Explanation for the Coexistence of Lending and Deposit-taking”. Journal of Finance 57, 33-73. Allen, Franklin., and Gale, Douglas. 1998. “Optimal Financial Crises”. Journal of Finance, 53, 1245-1284. Allen, Franklin. 2001. “Presidential Address: Do Financial Institutions Matter?”. Journal of Finance, 56, 1165 - 1175. Allen, Franklin., and Santomero, Anthony M. 1998. “The Theory of Financial Intermediation”, Journal of Banking and Finance, 21, 1461-1485. Billett, Matthew T., Flannery, Mark J., and Garfinkel, Jon A. 1995. “The Effect of Lender Identity on a Borrowing Firm's Equity Return”. Journal of Finance, 50, 699-718. Behavioral Finance:
这是finance新兴的一个方向。主要是结合Asset Pricing 和Corporate Finance的理论加进心理学的一些东西进行empirical 方面的研究。其在Asset Pricing 这个方面主要是mispricing 的研究,Corporate Finance这个方面可就多了。这里面的大家当然要属老当益壮的Richard Thaler, 和后起之秀Jeffery Wurgler. 大名鼎鼎的Shleifer也做不少这方面的研究。读了下面的几篇papers你应该能感觉到Behavioral Finance 是做什么的。感兴趣的,自已去他们的website把他们的papers都读一遍吧。 Barberis, Nicholas and Thaler, Richard H. 2003. "A Survey of Behavioral Finance". Handbook of the Economics of Finance. Baker, Malcolm., Ruback, Richard., and Wurgler, Jeffery. 2004. “Behavioral Corporate Finance: A Survey”. Handbook of Empirical Corporate Finance. Hirshleifer, D. 2001. “Investor Psychology and Asset Pricing”. Journal of Finance, 1533-1597. Fama, E. 1998. “Market Efficiency, Long-term Returns, and Behavioral Finance”. Journal of Financial Economics, 283-306. (该文曾获JFE大奖。Fama 是个死忠 “Market is efficient” 的人,应此对他的观点要持一定的怀疑态度。) Shleifer, Andrei and Vishny, Robert W. 1997. “The Limits of Arbitrage”, Journal of Finance, 52, 35-55. Malmendier, U., and Tate, G. 2005. “CEO Overconfidence and Corporate Investment”. Journal of Finance, 2661-2700. (这两个人都挺有个性。Malmendier 是个欧洲女孩,一头金发。听说以前是练体操的,难怪身材特像小女孩。加上说话又快,往前面一站就像个高中生。Tate 是个美国帅哥,Wharton的教授。很儒雅,说话也有板有眼。应该是许多女生的偶像。) Barberis, N., Shleifer, A., and Vishny, R. 1998. “A Model of Investor Sentiment”. Journal of Financial Economics, 307-343. Baker, M., and Wurgler, J. 2000. “The Equity Share in New Issues and Aggregate Stock Returns”. Journal of Finance 55, 2219-2257. (Wurgler的处女作,也是这篇文章开始引起人们的注意。) Heaton, J. 2002. “Managerial Optimism and Corporate Finance”. Financial Management, 33-45. Corporate Finance:
Introduction and Overview of Corporate Finance Brennan, 1995, “Corporate finance over the past 25 years”, Financial Management 24, Summer, 9-22. Hart, O., 1989, “An economist’s perspective on the theory of the firm”, Columbia Law Review 89, 1757-1774. Williamson, O., 1981, “The modern corporation: origins, evolution, attributes”, Journal of Economic Literature 1537-1568. Graham, J. and Harvey, C. 2000. “The Theory and Practice of Corporate Finance: Evidence from the Field”. Journal of Financial Economics 60, 187-244. Corporate Finance:
Agency Theory and Ownership Fama, E., and Jensen, M. 1983. “Agency Problems and Residual Claims”. Journal of Law and Economics, 327-349. Fama, E., and Jensen, M. 1983. “Separation of Ownership and Control”. Journal of law and economics, 301-325.(美国现代金融Agency Theory 的开山之作。不过这两篇写得不是很好。非要两篇一起看才看得明白。) Fama, E. 1978. “The Effects of a Firm’s Investment and Financing Decisions on the Welfare of Its Securityholders”. American Economic Review 68, 272-284. (这其实不完全算Agency theory, 但他用很通俗的英语解释了一个有意思的问题。) Jensen, M., and Meckling, W. 1976. "Theory of the Firm: Managerial Behavior, Agency Costs and Ownership Structure," Journal of Financial Economics, 305-360. (这么经典的paper 就不用多介绍了吧。) Demsetz. 1983. “The Structure of Ownership and the Theory of the Firm”. Journal of Law and Economics 26, 375-390. (Demsetz关于ownership的看法别具一格。和上面的Jensen-Meckling对照着读更有体会。) Jensen, M. 1986. “Agency Costs of Free Cash Flow, Corporate Finance, and Takeovers”. American Economic Review, 323-329. (在Corporate Finance领域家喻户晓的paper. 其他Finance的人没读过也基本上听说过。) Myers, S. 1977. “The Determinants of Corporate Borrowing”. Journal of Financial Economics 5, 146-175. (将agency problem between bondholders and stockholders 与firm’s investment strategy 联系起来的经典文章。) Parrino, R., and Weisbach, M. 1999. “Measuring Investment Distortions Arising from Stockholder-bondholder Conflict”. Journal of Financial Economics 53, 3-42 (也是获奖之作。方法很新颖,有创意,居然能想出用simulation来做corporate finance。不过,如果不是Weisbach, 估计也不好发。做research 就是这样,名人尝试新东西叫有创意,不出名的人尝试新东西叫冒险。) Harford, J. 1999. “Corporate Cash Reserves and Acquisitions”. Journal of Finance 54, 1969-1997. (Jarrad 也是少年成名,是Rochester毕业,JFE的嫡系部队。大概是JFE最年轻的Associate Editor. 目前corporate finance领域最出名的年轻俊杰之一。) Opler, T., Pinkowitz, L., Stulz, R., and Williamson, R. 1999. “The Determinants and Implications of Corporate Cash Holdings”. Journal of Financial Economics, 52, 3-46. Lie, E. 2000. “Excess Funds and Agency Problems: An Empirical Study of Incremental Cash Disbursements”. Review of Financial Studies 13, 219-248. Morck, R., Shleifer, A., and Vishny, R. 1988. “Management Ownership and Market Valuation: An Empirical Analysis”. Journal of Financial Economics, 293-315. Corporate Finance:
Information, Investors and Corporate Policy 这里面有些不属于corporate finance 的范畴。他山之石,可以攻玉,知识面广一些对做research很有好处。不同领域本来就有交叉,想分很清楚也不太容易。 Akerlof, George. 1970. “The market for “lemons”: Qualitative Uncertainty and the Market Mechanism”. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 89, 488-500. (要是让我列个My favorite Top 10 papers, 这篇文章绝对在其中。Akerlof 居然用最最简单的model, 来把一个最最复杂的理论解释得清清楚楚,难怪能得诺贝尔奖。现在有些人正好相反,用最最复杂的model, 把一个最最简单的理论解释得晕头转向。这些人其实不应该做finance, 应该去搞数学或物理。) Ross, S. 1977. “The Determinants of Capital Structure: The Incentive-signaling Approach”. Bell Journal of Economics 8, 23-40. (Ross的这篇也很经典。提起他大多数人会想起APT, 其实他对corporate finance 贡献也很大。这篇很有上面提到的Akerlof的风格,都是用很简单的model阐述一个深奥的理论。Ross这个人也很不错,平易近人,很幽默,健谈,没有一点架子,和谁都能见面熟。人格魅力指数:100/100。) Myers, S.C., and Majluf, N.? 1984. “Corporate Financing and Investment Decisions When Firms Have Information That Investors Do Not Have”. Journal of Financial Economics, 187-221. (影响很大的一篇文章。后来的IPO underpricing 和 Pecking order theory 等等许多都基于此。可以说对corporate finance 各个领域都有影响。) Hart, O. 2001. “Financial Contracting”. Journal of Economic Literature 39, 1079-1100. Thakor. 1989. “Strategic Issues in Financial Contracting: An Overview”. Financial Management, 39-58. Spence, Michael. 1973. “Job market signaling”. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 87, 355-74. Rothschild, Michael., and Stiglitz, Joseph. 1976. “Equilibrium in Competitive Insurance Markets: an Essay on the Economics of Imperfect Information”. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 90, 629-649. Grossman, Sanford., and Stiglitz, Joseph E. 1980. “On the Impossibility of Informationally Efficient Markets”. American Economic Review, 70, 393-408. Merton, Robert C. 1987. “A Simple Model of Capital Market Equilibrium with Incomplete Information”. Journal of Finance, 483-510. Corporate Finance:
Capital Structure, Financing Decisions, Investment and Taxes Miller, M., and Modigliani, F. 1958.“The Cost of Capital, Corporation Finance, and the Theory of Investment”. American Economic Review, 261-297. (什么,没读过?你洗洗睡吧。少数几篇做Finance而获诺贝尔经济学奖的大作,不读不行。) Miller, M., and Modigliani, F. 1963. “Corporate Income Taxes and the Cost of Capital: A Correction”. American Economic Review, 433-443. (这是他们AER1958大作的续篇。那篇大作中有一处错误,但当时没有什么人能看得懂这篇划时代的巨作,就像爱因斯坦当年发表相对论一样。直到5年后被他们自己发现,才有了这篇文章。不过,原文的结论不受影响,所以他们才在30几年后得了诺贝尔奖。) Harris, M. and A. Raviv. 1991. “The Theory of Capital Structure”. Journal of Finance, 297-368. (MM之后capital structure基本上被做烂了,文章数量只能用汗牛充栋来形容。看这篇review paper 能让你少看不少papers.) Baker, M., and Wurgler, J. 2002. “Market Timing and Capital Structure”, Journal of Finance, 1-32. (一篇很有创意的文章,算是behavioral corporate finance 最有代表性的佳作。该文引起很大争议,到今天批它的文章恐怕只有用过江之鲫来形容。到不是这俩人对头多,只是这篇文章影响太大,批它比批一篇不出名的文章更容易引起人们的兴趣,和方舟子打假有点相似。) Frank, M., and Goyal, V. 2003. “Testing the Pecking Order Theory of Capital Structure”, Journal of Financial Economics 67, 217-248. (很有名的一篇paper, 虽然我不太喜欢。该文曾获JFE的奖,是近年来在capital structure这个领域有影响的文章。) Mehrotra, V., Mikkelson, M., and Partch, M. 2003. “The Design of Financial Policies in Corporate Spin-offs”. Review of Financial Studies 16, 1359-1388. (Idea有新意。Mikkelson 曾报怨这篇paper被under appreciated。) Berger, P., Ofek, E., and Yermack, D. 1997. “Managerial Entrenchment and Capital Structure Decisions”. Journal of Finance, 1411-1437. Masulis, R., 1980. “The Effects of Capital Structure Change on Security Prices: A Study of Exchange Offers”. 1980. Journal of Financial Economics, 139-178. Chemmanur, T., and Paolo, F. 1999. “A Theory of the Going-Public Decision”. Review of Financial Studies 12, 249-279. Dunbar, C. 1995. “The Use of Warrants as Underwriter Compensation in Initial Public Offerings”. Journal of Financial Economics 38, 59-78. DeAngelo, H., and Masulis, R. 1980. “Optimal Capital Structure under Corporate and Personal Taxation”. Journal of Financial Economics 8, 3-29. Miller, M. 1977. “Debt and Taxes”. Journal of Finance 32, 261-275. Graham, J. 2000. “How Big are the Tax Benefits of Debt?”. Journal of Finance 55, 1901-1941. (Graham 是个很能想很有创意的人。本来这个topic都被做烂了,但他能想出一些个很新奇很有创造性的方法去做。佩服ing. ) Graham, J. 2003. “Taxes and Corporate Finance: A Review”. Review of Financial Studies 16, 1075-1129. Kaplan, S., and Stromberg, P. 2003. “Financial Contracting Theory Meets the Real World: An Empirical Analysis of Venture Capital Contracts”. Review of Economic Studies, 285-315. Andrade, G., and Kaplan, G. 1998. “How Costly is Financial (Not Economic) Distress? Evidence from Highly Leveraged Transactions that Became Distressed”. Journal of Finance 53, 1443-1493. (题目是不是不好懂?Kaplan的一贯风格是用data来轰炸你,弄得你晕头转向。看过这篇就有体会了。) Kaplan, S., and Zingales, L. 1997. “Do Financing Constraints Explain Why Investment Is Correlated With Cash Flow?”. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 169-215. (Cash flow sensitivity 的争论就是他们搞起来的。) Gertner, R., and Scharfstein, D. 1991. “A Theory of Workouts and the Effects of Reorganization Law”. Journal of Finance 46, 1189-1222. Froot, K., Scharfstein, D., and Stein, J. 1993. “Risk Management: Coordinating Corporate Investment and Financing Policies”. Journal of Finance 48, 1629-1658. Fama, E., and French, K. 2005. “Financing Decisions: Who Issues Stock”. Journal of Financial Economics, 549-582. Fama, E., and French, K. 2002. "Testing Tradeoff and Pecking Order Predictions about Dividends and Debt". Review of Financial Studies, 1-37. (读Fama-French的文章有时候并不一定因为是篇好文,只是因为别人都读。) Corporate Finance:
Corporate Governance Shleifer, A., and Vishny, R. 1997. “A Survey of Corporate Governance”. Journal of Finance, 737- 783. (做corporate governance 的如何能够不读这篇paper. Corporate governance 这个词就是他们定义出来的。) La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., Shleifer, A., and Vishny, R. 2000. “Investor Protection and Corporate Governance”. Journal of Financial Economics, 3-27. Brickley, J., Coles, J., and Terry,R. 1994. “Outside Directors and the Adoption of Poison Pills”. Journal of Financial Economics 35, 371-390. Byrd, J., and Hickman, K. 1992. “Do Outside Directors Monitor Managers? Evidence from Tender Offer Bids”. Journal of Financial Economics 32, 195-222. Core, J., Holthausen, R., and Larcker, D. 1999. “Corporate Governance, Chief Executive Officer Compensation, and Firm Performance”. Journal of Financial Economics 51, 371-406. Cotter, J., Shivdasani, A., and Zenner, M. 1997. “Do Independent Directors Enhance Target Shareholders Wealth During Tender Offers?”. Journal of Financial Economics 43, 195-218. Harford, J. 2003. “Takeover Bids and Target Directors’ Incentives: The Impact of a Bid on Directors’ Wealth and Board Seats”. Journal of Financial Economics, 51-83. Denis, D., and Sarin, A. 1999. “Ownership and Board Structures in Publicly Traded Corporations”. Journal of Financial Economics 52, 187-224. Del Guercio, D., Dann, L., and Partch, Megan. 2003. “Governance and Boards of Directors in Close-end Investment Companies”. Journal of Financial Economics 69, 111-152. Gompers, P., Ishii, J., and Metrick, A. 2003. “Corporate Governance and Equity Prices”. Quarterly Journal of Economics 118, 107-155. (这篇文章也有些争议,不过现在是被引用得越来越多了。) Hermalin, B., and Weisbach, M. 1988. “The Determinants of Board Composition”. RAND Journal of Economics 19, 589-606. Hermalin, B., and Weisbach, M. 2003. “Boards of Directors as an Endogenously Determined Institution: a Survey of the Economic Literature”. Federal Reserve Bank at New York, Economic policy review, April 2003. (一篇survey paper,虽然不是发表在学术期刊上,但值得一读。) Jensen, M. 1993. “The Modern Industrial Revolution, Exit, and the Failure of Internal Control Systems”. Journal of Finance, 831-880. (记得是Jensen在某一年的讲话,读一下吧。) Mikkelson, W., and Partch, M. 1997. “The Decline of Takeovers and Disciplinary Managerial Turnover”. Journal of Financial Economics 44, 205-228. (1997年获JFE大奖的文章。觉得还是挺有创意的。) Weisbach, M. 1988. “Outside Directors and CEO Turnover”. Journal of Financial Economics 20, 431-460. (最早的一篇研究board composition 对corporate policy影响。) Yermack, D. 1996. “Higher Market Valuation of Companies with a Small Board of Directors”. Journal of Financial Economics 40, 185-211. (最早研究board size对firm value的影响。Yermack很会充分利用data,他用这套数据写了好几篇文章。) Shivdasani, A., and Yermack, D. 1999. “CEO Involvement in the Selection of New Board Member: an Empirical Analysis”. Journal of Finance 54, 1829-1853. Yermack, D. 2004. “Remuneration, Retention, and Reputation Incentives for Outside Directors”. Journal of Finance 59, 2281-2308. Rosenstein, S., and Wyatt, J. 1997. “Inside Directors, Board Effectiveness, and Shareholder Wealth”. Journal of Financial Economics 44, 229-248. Shivdasani, Anil. 1993. “Board Composition, Ownership Structure and Hostile Takeovers”. Journal of Accounting and Economics, 167–198. (忘了这篇文章为什么有名,好像是找到了关于busy directors 的什么,引起后来的争论。) Fich, E., and Shivdasani, A. 2006. “Are Busy Boards Effective Monitors”. Journal of Finance, 689-724. (Shivdasani 是个印度人,但英语说得基本上没什么口音。应该什么时候把他请过来教一教如何练口语。) Ferris, S., Jagannathan, M., and Pritchard, A. 2003. “Too Busy to Mind the Business? Monitoring by Directors with Multiple Board Appointments”. Journal of Finance, 1087-1112. Vafeas, Nikos. 1999. “Board Meeting Frequency and Firm Performance”. Journal of Financial Economics, 113–142. (这是一篇典型的data mining的文章。其实hypothesis一点都不make sense, 但结果够噱头,就可在JFE上发。我们从中要学到的是先要看data, 如果结果够interesting, 再来写文章。) Perry, Tod., and Peyer, Urs. 2005. “Board Seat Accumulation by Executives: A Shareholder's Perspective”. Journal of Finance, 2083–2123. (算是the board of directors 比较新的研究了。忘了好在哪里。) Corporate Finance:
Mergers and Acquisitions Mitchell, M. And Mulherin, J. 1996. “The Impact of Industry Shocks on Takeover and Restructuring Activity”. Journal of Financial Economics, 193-229. (这篇很经典,提出了M&A几个原因之一。) Shleifer, A. and Vishny, R. 2003. “Stock Market Driven Acquisitions". Journal of Financial Economics, 295-311. (现代M&A理论中很有名的一篇,也和behavioral finance 沾边。但我觉得model并不很好反映他们的理论。Model 说的其实是mispricing driven acquisitions, 而他们想表达的意思应该比这广。) Jensen, M., and Ruback, R. 1983. “The Market for Corporate Control: The Scientific Evidence”. Journal of Financial Economics, 5-50. (关于M&A最早,也是被研究的最多的观点 –The market for corporate control. ) Harford, J. 2005. “What Drives Merger Waves?”. Journal of Financial Economics, 529-560. Jarrell, G.A., Brickley, J. and Netta, J. 1988. “The Market for Corporate control: The Empirical Evidence Since 1980.”? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 2:49-68. Travlos, Nickolaos. 1987. “Corporate Takeover Bids, Methods of Payment, and Bidding Firm’s Stock Returns”. Journal of Finance 42, 943-963. Stulz, R. 1988. “Managerial Control of Voting Rights: Financial Policies and the Market for Corporate Control”. Journal of Financial Economics, 25-54. (我觉得还不错,但现在好像引用的少了。不过就冲Rene Stulz的大名,也值得一读。) Healy, Paul., Palepu, Krishna., and Ruback, Richard. 1992. “Does Corporate Performance Improve after Mergers?”. Journal of Financial Economics 31, 135-175. Halpern, Paul. 1982. “Corporate Acquisitions: A Theory of Special Cases? A Review of Event Studies Applied to Acquisitions”. Journal of Finance 38, 297-317. Fuller, K., Netter, J., and Stegemoller, M. 2002. “What do Returns to Acquiring Firms Tell Us? Evidence from Firms That Make Many Acquisitions”. Journal of Finance, 1763-1793. Ecobo, Espen. 1983. “Horizontal Mergers, Collusion, and Stockholder Wealth”. Journal of Financial Economics 11, 241-273. Roll, Richard. 1983. “The Hubris Hypothesis of Corporate Takeovers”. Journal of Business 59, 197-216. (都知道Roll对Asset Pricing 的贡献,却不知他对behavioral corporate finance 也有独到的眼光。) Fama, E., Fisher, L., Jensen, M., and Roll, Richard. 1969. “The Adjustment of Stock Prices to New Information”. International Economic Review 1, 1-21. (Event studies 的始作俑者。) Dodd, P., and Warner, J. 1983. “On Corporate Governance: a Study of Proxy Contests”. Journal of Financial Economics 11, 401 - 438. (Event studies 的名篇,不过到今天event studies 已经不是什么了不起的事,大家也渐渐的不引用这些文章了, 直接做就行了。下面三篇也是同样情况。) Brown, Stephen., and Warner, Jerold. 1980. “Measuring Security Price Performance”. Journal of Financial Economics 8, 205-285. Brown, Stephen., and Warner, Jerold. 1985. “Using Daily Stock Returns: The Case of Event Studies”. Journal of Financial Economics 14, 3-32. MacKinlay, C. 1997. “Event Studies in Economics and Finance”. Journal of Economic Literature 35, 13-39. Dann, L.Y., and DeAngelo, H. 1983. “Standstill Agreements, Privately Negotiated Stock Repurchases and the Market for Corporate Control”. Journal of Financial Economics, 275-300. Martin, K., and McConnell, J. 1991. “Corporate Performance, Corporate Takeovers, and Management Turnover”. Journal of finance, 671-687. Kaplan, S., and Weisbach, M. 1992. “The Success of Acquisitions: Evidence from Diverstitures”. Journal of Finance 47, 107-138. Kaplan, S. 1989. “The Effects of Management Buyouts on Operating Performance and Value”. Journal ofFinancial Economics 24, 217-254. (Kaplan就是搞这个起家的。他也带动了研究MBO的潮流。) Kaplan, S., and Stein, J. 1990. “How Risky is the Debt in Highly Leveraged Transactions?”. Journal of Financial Economics, 215-246. (LBO也是他的最爱。) 下面几篇我都不太了解,都比较早了。有空就翻翻吧。
Agarwal, A., Jaffe, J., and Mandelker, G. 1992. “The Post-Merger Performance of Acquiring Firms: A Re-examination of an Anomaly.”? The Journal of Finance, 1605-1621.
Opler, T., and Titman, S. 1993. “The Determinants of Leveraged Buyout Activity: Free Cash Flow vs. Financial Distress Costs”. The Journal of Finance, 1985-1999. Comment, R. and Schwert, G. 1995. “Poison or Placebo? Evidence on the Deterrence and Wealth Effects of Modern Antitakeovers Measures”, Journal of Financial Economics, 3-43. Corporate Finance:
Payout Policy Payout policy 本身并没什么有趣的,一般都是和Agency theory, Information asymmetry (Signaling) 或Mispricing 结合在一起才有意思。 Allen, F., and Michaelly, R. 2003. “Payout Policy”. Chapter 7, 337-430, in Handbook of the Economics of Finance, Edited by Constantindes et al, Elsevier North Holland. (这是篇review paper,看了就对这个领域有个大概的印象。) Fama, E., and French, K. 2001. “Disappearing Dividends: Changing Firm Characteristics or Lower Propensity to Pay?”. Journal of Financial Economics 60, 3-43. (Fama又一篇获奖之作,也很是有名。) Baker, Malcolm., and Wurgler, Jeffrey. 2004. "A Catering Theory of Dividends". Journal of Finance, 1125-1165. (Payout policy 和Behavioral finance结合的代表作。) Baker, Malcolm., and Wurgler, Jeffrey. 2004. "Appearing and Disappearing of Dividends: The Link to Catering Incentives". Journal of Financial Economics, 271-288. (感觉不如上面那篇JF。搞什么嘛,简直就是overkill.) Miller, M., and Rock, K. 1985. “Dividend Policy under Asymmetric Information”. Journal of Finance, 1031-1051. (翻一下,记住结论即可。) Benartzi, S., Michaely, R., and Thaler, R. 1997. “Do Changes in Dividends Signal the Future or the Past?”. Journal of Finance, 1007-1033. (关于dividend signaling 的争论就一直没停过, 实在是让人感到有些疲劳。) Litner, J. 1956. “Distribution of Incomes of Corporations among Dividends, Retained Earnings and Taxes,” American Economic Review, 97-113. (大概是第一个研究这个方面的paper,其model至到今天还在被用。) Grullon, G., and Michaely, R. 2002. “Dividends, Share Repurchases and the Substitution Hypothesis”. Journal of Finance 62, 1649-1684. (这两人原系师徒。这篇paper写的不是很好,但还算有名。) Vermaelen, T. 1981. “Common Stock Repurchases and Market Signaling: An Empirical Study”. Journal of Financial Economics, 139-183. (老文了。本来也被引用得不怎么多,但近年来人气很旺,不知何故。读读吧。) Dann, L. 1981. “Common Stock Repurchases: An Analysis of Returns to Bondholders and Stockholders”. Journal of Financial Economics 9, 113-138. (老Larry也是有些点背,本来这篇paper比上面Vermaelen的那篇要引用的多,但不知何故近来少有人引用。) Easterbrook, Frank. 1984. “Two Agency-cost Explanations of Dividends”. American Economic Review, 650-659. (该人系lawyer出身,因此很遭某些人排斥。) Fenn, G., and Liang, N. 2001. “Corporate Payout Policy and Managerial Stock Incentives”. Journal of Financial Economics 60, 45-72. Bhattacharya, S. 1979. “Imperfect Information, Dividend Policy, and 'The Bird in the Hand Fallacy'”. Bell Journal of Economics 10, 259-270. (一篇老文,很多人引用。翻翻就可以了。) Guay, Wayne., and Harford, J. 2000. “The Cash-Flow Permanence and Information Content of Dividend Increases vs. Repurchases”. Journal of Financial Economics 57, 385-415.? (Guay是accounting 里的青年才俊,在Wharton做的不错. 和Harford以前读书时是同学,据说网球打得很好。) Jagannathan, M., Stephens, C., and Weisbach, M. 2000. “Financial Flexibility and the Choice between Dividends and Stock Repurchases”. Journal of Financial Economics 57, 355-384. (和上面那篇paper讲的是差不多的意思。这篇明显有些赶工的痕迹。大概是为了抢着发表。这两篇最后都在同一本杂志的同一期上发了,要是不抢,让上面那篇先发,这篇就发不了了。) DeAngelo, H., DeAngelo, L., and Skinner, D. 1996. “Reversal of Fortune, Dividend Signaling and the Disappearance of Sustained Earnings Growth”. Journal of Financial Economics 40, 341-371. (又是一篇signaling 的paper。DeAngelo两人对dividends情有独钟,大部分文章都和dividends 有关。感兴趣的可以去他们网页看看,这里就不多举了。) Kahle, K. 2002. “When a Buyback isn’t a Buyback: Open-market Repurchases and Employee Options”. Journal of Financial Economics 63, 235-261. Stephens, C., and Weisbach, M. 1998. “Actual Share Reacquisitions in Open-market Repurchase Programs”. Journal of Finance 55, 313-334. Ikenburry, D., Lakonishock, J. and Vermaelen, T. 1995. “Market Underreaction to Open Market Stock Repurshases”. Journal of Financial Economics, 405-435. Healy, P. and Palepu, K. 1988. “Earnings Information Conveyed by Dividend Initiations and Omissions”. Journal of Financial Economics, 149-175. Michaely, R., Thaler, R., and Womack, K. 1995. “Piece Reactions to Dividend Intention and Omissions: Overreaction or Drift?”.? Journal of Finance, 573-608. John, K., and Williams, J. 1985. “Dividends, Dilution, and Taxes: a Signaling Equilibrium”. Journal of Finance 40, 1053-1070. (老文,翻一下,记住结论即可。) Grullon, Gustavo., Michaely, Roni. 2004. “The Information Content of Share Repurchase Programs”. Journal of Finance, 651-680. Elton, E., and Gruber, M. 1970. “Marginal Stockholders’ Tax Rates and the Clientele Effect”. Review of Economics and Statistics 52, 68-74. (比较早的一篇关于clientele effects和dividends的文章。现在这种文章海量了,感兴趣的自己搜好了。) International Finance
这个我不太了解,推荐几篇我知道的吧。其实说穿了基本上也就是用international data来验证已有的theory, 不会去做些什么汇率之类啦,跨国银行之类啦,FDI等等。在美国,上面提到的那些东西可都是属于经济系(Economics), 和金融(Finance)不怎么沾边。 Doidge, C. 2004. “US Cross-listing and the Private Benefits of Control: Evidence from Dual Class Firms”. Journal of Financial Economics, 519-554. (Craig 是加拿大帅哥,当年为了女友,毅然选择了去U of Toronto. 他应该是近几年来Ohio State 所毕业的最出色的学生之一。当年他选择这个dissertation topic 是冒了风险的,因为不是所有人对international data都是那么相信的。有句话怎么说的, “Great achievements involve great risk”. ) Doidge, C., Karolyi, C., and Stulz, R. 2004. “Why are Foreign Firms that are Listed in the US Worth More?”. Journal of Financial Economics, 205-238. La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., and Shleifer, A. 1999. “Corporate Ownership around the World”. Journal of Finance, 471-517. La Porta, R., Lopez-de-Silanes, F., Shleifer, A., and Vishny, R. 2000. “Agency Problems and Dividend Policies around the World”. Journal of Finance, 1-33. Morck, R., Yeung, B., and Wu, W. 2000. “The Information Content of Stock Markets: Why Do Emerging markets Have Synchronous Stock Price Movements?”. Journal of Financial Economics, 2000, 58, 215-260. Mutual Funds
Johnson, Woodrow. 2003. “Predictable Investment Horizons and Wealth Transfers among Mutual Fund Shareholders”. 2004. Journal of Finance, 1979-2012. (Columbia 毕业的,和去Connell的那个中国女孩是同学。人很聪明,很有才华,但对学生很一般般。个人认为此文是econometrics 技巧在finance papers中的最完美应用之一篇经典。) Chan, Louis K. C., Chen, Hsiu-Lang., and Lakonishok, Josef. 2002. “On Mutual Fund Investment Styles”. Review of Financial Studies, 1407-1437. Hendricks, D., Patel. J., and Zeckhauser, R. 1993. “Hot Hands in Mutual Funds: Short-run Persistence of Relative Performance, 1974-1988”. Journal of Finance 48, 93-130. Grinblatt, M., and Titman, T. 1993. “Performance Measurement without Benchmarks: An Examination of Mutual Fund Returns”. Journal of Business 66, 47-68. Carhart, Mark. 1997. “On Persistence in Mutual Fund Performance”. Journal of Finance 52, 57-82. (Chicago 毕业的,好像是Fama的高足。该文是第一个提出survivorship bias的,非常之经典。) Del Guercio, D. 1996. "The Distorting Effect of the Prudent-Man Laws on Institutional Equity Investors," Journal of Financial Economics 40, 31-62. (Diane 对学生比较负责,愿意花很多时间指导学生。为人也很smooth,年轻时是美女,穿着也很有品。) Coval, Joshua D., and Moskowitz, T. 1999. “Home Bias at Home: Local Equity Preference in Domestic Portfolios”. Journal of Finance 54, 2045-2073. Gompers, Paul., and Metrick, A. 2001. “Institutional Investors and Equity Prices”. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 229-259. Jensen, Michael. 1968. “The Performance of Mutual Funds in the Period 1945-1964”. Journal of Finance, 23, 389-416. (Mutual funds 最早也是最有名的经典之一。Jensen’s Alpha 总该听说过吧?就是源自此处。) Zheng, Lu. 1999. “Is Money Smart? A Study of Mutual Fund Investors' Fund Selection Ability”. Journal of Finance, 54, 901-933. (中国美女的大作,推一下。她是Yale毕业的,后来去了Michigan. 这篇文章好像得了个奖。) Edelen, Roger. 1999. “Investor Flows and the Assessed Performance of Open-end Mutual Funds”. Journal of Financial Economics 53, 439-466. (也很经典。好像就是他引起了flow 和 performance之间的热潮。) Edelen, Roger., and Warner, J. 2001. “Aggregate Price Effects of Institutional Trading: a Study of Mutual Fund Flow and Market Returns”. Journal of Financial Economics, 59, 195-220. Brown, Keith C., Harlow, W., and Starks, L. 1996. “Of Tournaments and Temptations: An Analysis of Managerial Incentives in the Mutual Fund Industry”. Journal of Finance, 51, 85-110. Chalmers, John., Roger, Edelen., and Kadlec, G. 2001. “On the Perils of? Financial Intermediaries Setting Security Prices: the Mutual Fund Wild Card Option”. Journal of Finance, 2209-2236. (算是近几年来mutual funds里比较有名的一篇。题目很古怪,其实就是说各个地方trading时间上的差异导致managers有机可乘。 Chevalier, Judith., and Ellison, G. 1999. “A Career Concerns of Mutual Fund Managers”. Quarterly Journal of Economics 114, 389-432. Falkenstein, Eric G. 1996. “Preferences for Stock Characteristics as Revealed by Mutual Fund Portfolio Holdings”. Journal of Finance, 111-135. Warther, Vincent A. 1995. “Aggregate Mutual Fund Flows and Security Returns”. Journal of Financial Economics, 209-235. Sirri, Erik., and Tufano, P. 1998. “Costly Search and Mutual Fund Flows”. Journal of Finance 53, 1589-1622. Gruber, Martin. 1996. “Another Puzzle: the Growth in Actively Managed Mutual Funds.” Journal of Finance 51, 783-810. Reuter, J. 2006. “Are IPO Allocations for Sale? Evidence from Mutual Funds”. Journal of Finance, 2289-2324. (Jon毕业于MIT,大概是我见过的人当中最聪明的一个,虽然他现在还不怎么有名。为人超好, 非常非常nice, 也很正直。个人认为Jon是个很值得结交的人。如有机会当他学生,一定要选他当committee member. 好人指数:100/100。) Market Microstructure
Kyle, Albert S. 1985. “Continuous Auctions and Insider Trading”. Econometrica, 53, 1315-1335.
Glosten, Lawrence., and Milgrom, P. 1985. “Bid, Ask and Transcation Prices in a Dealer Market with Heterogenously Informed Traders”. Journal of Financial Economics, 14, 71-100. O'Hara, Maureen. 2003. “Presidential Address: Liquidity and Price Discovery”. Journal of Finance, 58, 1335-1354. Madhavan, A. 2002. “Market Microstructure: A Practitioner's Guide”. Financial Analysts Journal, 58, 28-42. Harriss, J. H., and Schultz, P. 1998. “The Trading Profits of SOES Bandits”. Journal of Financial Economics, 50, 39-62. Harris, Lawrence and Hasbrouck, J. 1996. “Market vs. Limit Orders: The Superdot Evidence on Order Submission Strategy”. Journal of Financial and Quantitative Analysis, 31, 213-231. Jones, Charles M., and Lipson, M. 2001. “Sixteenths: Direct Evidence on Institutional Execution Costs”. Journal of Financial Economics, 59, 253-278. Schultz, Paul. 2001. “Corporate Bond Trading Costs: a Peek Behind the Curtain”. Journal of Finance, 677-698. April 15 佛洛伊德 弗洛伊德的精神分析理论
精神分析理论属于心理动力学理论,是奥地利精神科医生弗洛伊德于19世纪末20世纪初创立。精神分析理论是现代心理学的奠基石,它的影响远不是局限于临床心理学领域,对于整个心理科学乃至西方人文科学的各个领域均有深远的影响,它的影响可与达尔文的进化论相提并论。它有以下几种基本理论: 一、精神层次理论 该理论是阐述人的精神活动,包括欲望、冲动、思维,幻想、判断、决定、情感等等、会在不同的意识层次里发生和进行。不同的意识层次包括意识,前意识,潜意识和三个层次,好像深浅不同的地壳层次而存在,故称之为精神层次。 人的心理活动有些是能够被自己觉察到的,只要我们集中注意力,就会发觉内心不断有一个个观念、意象或情感流过,这种能够被自己意识到的心理活动叫做意识。而一些本能冲动、被压抑的欲望或生命力却在不知不觉的潜在境界里发生,因不符合社会道德和本人的理智,无法进入意识被个体所觉察,这种潜伏着的无法被觉察的思想、观念、欲望等心理活动被称之为潜意识。下意识乃界于意识与潜意识的层次中间,一些不愉快或痛苦的感觉、觉、意念、回忆常被压存在下意识这个层次、一般情况下不会被个体所觉察,但当个体的控制能力松懈时比如醉酒、催眠状态或梦境中,偶尔会暂时出现在意识层次里、让个体觉察到。 二、人格结构理论 弗洛伊德认为人格结构由本我、自我、超我三部分组成。 本我即原我,是指原始的自己,包含生存所需的基本欲望、冲动和生命力。本我是一切心理能量之源,本我按快乐原则行事,它不理会社会道德、外在的行为规范,它唯一的要求是获得快乐,避免痛苦,本我的目标乃是求得个体的舒适,生存及繁殖,它是无意识的,不被个体所觉察。 自我,其德文原意即是指“自己”,是自己可意识到的执行思考、感觉、判断或记忆的部分,自我的机能是寻求“本我”冲动得以满足,而同时保护整个机体不受伤害,它遵循的是“现实原则”,为本我服务。 超我,是人格结构中代表理想的部分,它是个体在成长过程中通过内化道德规范,内化社会及文化环境的价值观念而形成,其机能主要在监督、批判及管束自己的行为,超我的特点是追求完美,所以它与本我一样是非现实的,超我大部分也是无意识的,超我要求自我按社会可接受的方式去满足本我,它所遵循的是“道德原则”。 三、性本能理论 弗洛伊德认为人的精神活动的能量来源于本能,本能是推动个体行为的内在动力。人类最基本的本能有两类:一类是生的本能,另一类是死亡本能或攻击本能,生的本能包括性欲本能与个体生存本能,其目的是保持种族的繁衍与个体的生存。弗洛伊德是泛性论者,在他的眼里,性欲有着广义的含意,是指人们一切追求快乐的欲望,性本能冲动是人一切心理活动的内在动力,当这种能量(弗洛伊德称之为力必多)积聚到一定程度就会造成机体的紧张,机体就要寻求途径释放能量。弗洛伊德将人的性心理发展划分为5个阶段:①口欲期;②肛门期;③性蕾欲期;④潜伏期;⑤生殖期。刚生下来的婴儿就懂得吸乳,乳头摩擦口唇粘膜引起快感,叫做口欲期性欲。1岁半以后学会自己大小便,粪块摩擦直肠肛门粘膜产生快感,叫做肛门期性欲。儿童到3岁以后懂得了两性的区别,开始对异性父母眷恋,对同性父母嫉恨,这一阶段叫性蕾欲期,其间充满复杂的矛盾和冲突,儿童会体验到俄底普斯(Oedipus)情结(或称为恋母情节)和厄勒克特拉(Electra)情结(或称为恋父情节),这种感情更具性的意义,不过还只是心理上的性爱而非生理上的性爱。只有经过潜伏期到达青春期性腺成熟才有成年的性欲。成年人成熟的性欲以生殖器性交为最高满是形式,以生育繁衍后代为目的,这就进入了生殖期。弗洛伊德认为成人人格的基本组成部分在前三个发展阶段已基本形成,所以儿童的早年环境、早期经历对其成年后的人格形成起着重要的作用,许多成人的变态心理、心理冲突都可追溯到早年期创伤性经历和压抑的情结。 弗洛伊德在后期对提出了死亡本能即桑纳托斯(thanatos),它是促使人类返回生命前非生命状态的力量。死亡是生命的终结,是生命的最后稳定状态,生命只有在这时才不再需要为满足生理欲望而斗争。只有在此时,生命不再有焦虑和抑郁,所以所有生命的最终目标是死亡。死亡本能派生出攻击、破坏、战争等一切毁灭行为。当它转向机体内部时,导致个体的自责,甚至自伤自杀,当它转向外部世界时,导致对他人的攻击、仇恨、谋杀等。 四、释梦理论 弗洛伊德是一个心理决定论者,他认为人类的心理活动有着严格的因果关系,没有一件事是偶然的,梦也不例外,绝不是偶然形成的联想,而是愿望的达成,在睡眠时,超我的检查松懈,潜意识中的欲望绕过抵抗,并以伪装的方式,乘机闯入意识而形成梦,可见梦是对清醒时被压抑到潜意识中的欲望的一种委婉表达。梦是通向潜意识的一条秘密通道。通过对梦的分析可以窥见人的内部心理,探究其潜意识中的欲望和冲突。通过释梦可以治疗神经症。 五、心理防御机制理论 弗洛伊德的女儿安娜·弗洛伊德在其父亲理论的基础上,提出了著名的“心理防御机制理论”。心理防御机制是自我的一种防卫功能,很多时候,超我与原我之间,原我与现实之间,经常会有矛盾和冲突,这时人就会感到痛苦和焦虑,这时自我可以在不知不觉之中,以某种方式,调整一个冲突双方的关系,使超我的监察可以接受,同时原我的欲望又可以得到某种形式的满足,从而缓和焦虑,消除痛苦,这就是自我的心理防御机制,它包括压抑、否认、投射,退化、隔离、抵消转化、合理化、补偿、升华、幽默、反向形成等各种形式。人类在正常和病态情况下都在不自觉地运用,运用得当,可减轻痛苦,帮助度过心理难关,防止精神崩溃,运用过度就会表现出焦虑抑郁等病态心理症状。 压 抑——当一个人的某种观念、情感或冲动不能被超我接受时,就被潜抑到无意识中去,以使个体不再因之而产生焦虑、痛苦,这是一种不自觉的主动遗忘和抑制。如很多人宁愿相信自己能中六合彩而不愿想像自己出街时遇车祸的危险,其实后一种的概率远比前者大,这是一种压抑机制的不自觉运用,因为当人意识到每次出街都要面临车祸的威胁时就会感到焦虑,人为了避免焦虑故意将其遗忘。 否 认——指有意或无意地拒绝承认那些不愉快的现实以保护自我的心理防御机制。如有的人听到亲人突然死亡的消息,短期内否认有此事以减免突如其来的精神打击。 投 射——指个体将自己不能容忍的冲动、欲望转移到他人的身上,以免除自责的痛苦,如一个人性张力过大,做梦时都梦见另一个人与异性在发生性行为,这是自我为了逃避超我的责难,又要满足自我的需要,将自己的欲望投射到别人的身上从而得到一种解脱的心理机制。 退 行——当人受到挫折无法应付时,即放弃已经学会的成熟态度和行为模式,使用以往较幼稚的方式来满足自己的欲望,这叫退行。如某些性变态病人就是如此,成年人遇到性的挫折无法满足时就用幼年性欲的方式来表达非常态的满足,例如在异性面前暴露自己的生殖器等。 隔 离——将一些不快的事实或情感分隔于意识之外,以免引起精神上的不愉快,这种机制叫隔离,如人们来月经很多人都说成“来例假”人死了叫“仙逝”“归天”,这样说起来可以避免尴尬或悲哀。 抵 消——以象征性的行为来抵消已往发生的痛苦事件,如强迫症病人固定的仪式动作常是用来抵消无意识中乱伦感情和其他痛苦体验。 转 化——指精神上的痛苦,焦虑转化为躯体症状表现出来,从而避开了心理焦虑和痛苦,如歇斯底里病人的内心焦虑或心理冲突往往以躯体化的症状表现出来,如瘫痪、失音、抽搐,晕厥、痉挛性斜颈等等,病者自己对此完全不知觉,转化的动机完全是潜意识的,是病者意识不能承认的。 补 偿——是指个体利用某种方法来弥补其生理或心理上的缺陷,从而掩盖自己的自卑感和不安全感,所谓“失之东隅,收之桑榆”就是这种作用。 合理化——是个体遭受挫折时用利于自己的理由来为自己辨解,将面临的窘境加以文饰,以隐满自己的真实动机,从而为自己进行解脱的一种心理防御机制,如狐狸吃不到葡萄就说葡萄是酸的。 升 华——指被压抑的不符合社会规范的原始冲动或欲望用符合社会要求的建设性方式表达出来的一种心理防御机制,如用跳舞,绘画,文学等形式来替代性本能冲动的发泄。 幽 默——是指以幽默的语言或行为来应付紧张的情境或表达潜意识的欲望。通过幽默来表达攻击性或性欲望,可以不必担心自我或超我的抵制,在人类的幽默中关于性爱,死亡、淘汰,攻击等话题是最受人欢迎的,它们包含着大量的受压抑的思想。 反向形式——自认为不符合社会道德规范的内心欲望或冲动会引起自我和超我的抵制,表现出来会被社会惩罚或引起内心焦虑,故朝相反的途径释放导致反向形成。如有些恐人症的病人内心是渴望接解异性的,但却偏偏表现出对异性恐惧。 主要著作《歇斯底里研究》(又译《癔病研究》,与 J.布洛伊尔合著,1895)《梦的解析》(1900) 《日常生活中的心理病理学》(1904) 《多拉的分析》(1905) 《玩笑及其与无意识的关系》(1905) 《性学三论》(1905) 《精神分析运动史》(1906) 《列奥纳多·达·芬奇和他对童年时代的一次回忆》(1910) 《图腾与禁忌》(1913) 《论无意识》(1915) 《超越唯乐原则》(1920) 《群体心理学与自我的分析》(1922) 《自我与本我》(1923) 《焦虑问题》(1926) 《幻想的未来》(1927) 《自我和防御机制》(1936) (安娜·弗洛伊德著) 《摩西与一神教》 (1939) 生平西格蒙德·弗洛伊德(Sigmund Freud)于1856年出生在弗赖贝格市,该市现在位于捷克境内摩拉维亚省,当时是奥地利帝国的一部分。他四岁时全家迁居到维也纳,他的一生几乎都是在那里度过的。弗洛伊德读书时就是一个出类拔萃的学生,1881年他在维也纳大学获得医学学位。在随后的十年中,他在一个精神病诊所行医,个人开业治疗神经病,同时致力于生理学的研究。他在巴黎与杰出的精神病专家让·夏尔科共事。他还曾与维也纳内科专家约瑟夫·布鲁尔共过事。弗洛伊德的心理学思想是逐渐发展起来的。直到1895年才出版了他的第一部论著《歇斯底里论文集》;他的第二部论著《梦的解析》于1900年问世,这是他最有创造性、最有意义的论著之一。虽然该书开始非常滞销,但是却大大地提高了他的声望,他的其它重要论著也相继问世。1908年弗洛伊德在美国做了一系列演讲,当时他已是一位知名人士了。1902年他在维也纳组织了一个心理学研究小组,艾尔弗雷德·阿德勒就是其中的最早成员之一,几年以后卡尔·容也加入了这个行列,两个人后来都成了名副其实的世界著名心理学家。 弗洛伊德结过婚,有六个孩子。他晚年患了颌癌,为了解除病根,他从1932年起先后做过三十多次手术。尽管如此,他仍然工作不息,继续写出了一些重要论著。1938年纳粹分子入侵奥地利,由于弗洛伊德是犹太人,因此他不顾八十二岁高龄逃往伦敦,1939年3月23日在那里因癌症不幸去世。 弗洛伊德对心理学做出了很大贡献,用简短的文字很难加以概括。他强调人的行为中的无意识思维过程极为重要。他证明了这样的过程如何影响梦的内容,如何造成常见的不幸,如口误,忘记人名,致伤的事故,甚至疾病。 弗洛伊德创造了用精神分析来治疗精神病的方法。他系统地论述了人的个性结构学说,还发展和普及了一些心理学学说,如有关焦虑、防御功能、阉割情绪、抑制和升华等,在此不必一一列及。他的著作极大地引起了人们对心理学的兴趣,对他的许多观点在过去和现在都存在着很大的争论,而且自从他提出之日起就引起了热烈的争论。 弗洛伊德最为世人所知也许是由于他提出了受抑制的性爱经常会引起精神病或神经病这一学说(实际上这个学说并不是由弗洛伊德创立的,虽然他的著作为普及这个学说做出了许多贡献)。他还指出,性爱和性欲始于早期儿童时期而不是成年时期。 由于对弗洛伊德的许多学说仍有很大争议,因此很难估计出他在历史上的地位。他有创立新学说的杰出才赋,是一位先驱者和带路人。但是弗洛伊德的学说与达尔文和巴斯德的不同,从未赢得过科学界的普遍承认,所以很难说出他的学说中有百分之几最终会被认为是正确的。 尽管对弗洛伊德的学说一直存在着争论,他仍不愧为是人类思想史上的一位极其伟大的人物。他的心理学观点使我们对人类思想的观念发生了彻底的革命,他提出的概念和术语已被普遍使用──例如,本我(Id),自我(Ego),超我(Super-Ego),恋母情绪(Oedipus complex)和死亡冲动(Death Drive或Death Instinct)。 精神分析法实际上是一种代价极高的治疗方法,因此往往无效。但是也有许多成功的事例应当归于这种方法,这是无容置疑。未来的心理学家很可能最终会断定受抑制的性爱所起的作用比许多弗洛伊德派学者所认为的要小,但是这种作用肯定比弗洛伊德以前的大多数心理学家所认为的要大。同样,大多数心理学家现在已经确信无意识思维过程对人的行为起着一种决定性的作用── 一种在弗洛伊德之前被大大低估了的作用。 弗洛伊德当然不是心理学的鼻祖。从长远的观点来看,人们也许会认为他作为心理学家所提出的学说并非十分正确;但是他显然是在现代心理学发展中最有影响、最重要的人物。 弗洛伊德的本色 在心理学的年鉴上,没有任何哪位人物会像西格蒙·弗洛伊德这样倍受吹捧而又惨遭诋毁,既被目为伟大的科学家、学派领袖,又被斥责为搞假科学的骗子。他的崇拜者和批评家都一致认为,他对心理学的影响,对心理治疗的影响,对西方人看待自己的方式的影响,比科学史上的任何人都要大得多;而在其他人看来,他们似乎是在谈论不同的人和不同的知识体系。 社会学家和弗洛伊德研究学者菲力普·里夫1959 年说,“这个人的伟大之处不容置疑,这使他的思想更加伟大”,而他的写作“也许是20 世纪汇成著作的、最重要的思想体系”。 可是,几年之后,一位著名的学者和人文学教授艾里克·海勒却在《时报》文艺副刊中说,弗洛伊德是我们这个时代吹捧太过的人物之一;诺贝尔桂冠的彼德·梅达沃爵士称心理分析理论为“本世纪最惊人的知识欺诈”。政治科学家保尔·娄森认为,弗洛伊德“毫无疑问是历史上最伟大的心理学家之一”,而且是“一位伟大的思想家”。神学家保尔·蒂利希认为他是“所有深层心理学家当中最有深度的一位”。可一位英国学者索顿却收集了一些证据,这些证据,按她自己的意见,是可以证明“(弗洛伊德的)重要的假说,即‘深层意识’不存在,他的理论毫无根据而且荒唐可笑”,说他是在可卡因的毒力影响下编制出这些理论的,说他是“一个虚伪而且没有信仰的预言家”。 弗洛伊德的崇拜者,包括他最近的传记作者,历史学者彼德·盖依在内,都把他看成是一个大无畏的人,是真理的勇敢卫士。恶意毁谤他的人却视他为精神病患者和野心勃勃的人,企图通过发表耸人听闻的理论哗众取宠。不过,出语不凡的一位学者杰弗里·梅森却宣称,弗洛伊德实际上还有重要的发现没有照直说出来,因为那会对他的职业生涯造成损害,这个发现即是,精神病是一个成人(通常是父亲)对孩子进行性虐待造成的后果。大部分心理学史学家都把一长串有影响的发现归功于弗洛伊德,最为值得注意的是原动无意识的发现。可是,科学史学家弗兰克·索罗维曾颇有见地地评论说,弗洛伊德的概念在很大程度上是对已经存在于神经学和生物学当中的一些思想的“创造性的转述”,而学者亨利·埃伦伯格也颇费心思地提出,弗洛伊德对原动无意识的发现,只不过是把他的前辈或者同时代人早已提出来的一些流传中的思想明确化了,并给它们一个清晰的外型而已。 弗洛伊德对自己的看法,他的大多数传记作者也是这样看的,既他自己是一位局外人——一位在反闪米特的维也纳被隔离开来的犹太人——勇敢无畏地与保守医学作斗争,希望他的发现能造福人道精神。贬诋他的人却说,他在夸大自己周围的反闪族氛围,企图让自己看起来像是一位勇敢战斗的英雄,而且,无论怎么说,他的许多思想皆来自他的朋友威尔汉姆·弗莱亚斯,可他却全部据为已有。 这么多正反不一的意见,我们该采用哪一说呢? 可是,再一看,我们对一个本身就是一串矛盾的人说些什么呢?他关于人性的理论异常激烈,他还是一位强硬的无神论者,除了他的早年以外,他在政治上是一位保守派。他在性欲问题上采取了极为自由的学术态度可在自己又是一位礼仪的模范和采取性节制态度的人。他宣称自己通过有名的自我精神分析解除了精神烦恼,可他一辈子都在遭受某类精神症状的痛苦,其中包括偏头疼,尿道及大肠问题,对电话几乎病态的讨厌,在极度紧张的个人压抑时经常有晕倒的倾向,还有对雪茄几乎病态的着迷。(他一天抽20 支,哪怕是上腭因此而得了癌之后还停不下来。)他不喜欢维也纳,从未参加到当地很随便的喝咖啡的人群里去,可又下不了决心离开这个地方去找另一个更合适的地方,直到1938 年纳粹占领了奥地利之后才搬到伦敦去。 有时候,他是个不顾一切的自我中心者,他把自己比作哥白尼和达尔文,而且还对一位称赞他的晚期作品的人说:“这是我最差的一本书,是一位老人写的书。真正的弗洛伊德是位了不起的人。”另外一些时候,他又像是极其谦逊,在他的晚年,在“一份自传性研究”中,他写道: 那么,回过头来,看看我这一辈子所做的些杂碎工作,我可以说,我做了许多开创性的工作,也提出了许多建议。将来,某些东西会从中诞生出来,不过,我自己还不能够说这东西是大是小。然而,我可以表达一个希望,即我打开了一条通道,沿着这个通道,我们的知识会有长足的进步。 他生活在一个充满爱心的大家庭里,周围有很多忠实的信徒,可是,他与自己最亲密的朋友和追随者进行了好多年的争斗。他在古稀之年还悲哀地写道:许多人的爱我不能够指望。我并没有逼他们高兴,没有为他们提供舒适的生活,也没有给他们以熏陶。这些也不是我的本意所在,我只想去探索,解开一些谜团,揭开一部分真理。 在照片中,弗洛伊德总是一脸严肃,表情沉重——穿戴无可挑剔,发式整齐,肃穆而不苟言笑——然而,他自己的作品,还有了解他的那些人写的回忆文章里都证明,他是一个极为机智的人,他喜欢讲一些好笑的故事,把一种心理学观点带进故事里。这里有一个例子,是从他对幽默的研究《玩笑与无意识的关系》中选出来的: 如果(一位医生)问一个年轻病人,说他是否与手淫有关系,答案一定是:“O,na,nie!(德语:‘呵,不,从没有”——可是,在德语中,onanie 的意思就是“手淫。”) 还有一个长一点的幽默故事,弗洛伊德很喜欢讲,讲得也不错: 沙申(犹太媒人)站在他推荐的姑娘一边,替她平息那年轻男子的不满。“我不在乎岳母如何,”后者说,“她是个不逗人喜欢的蠢人。” ——“可是,不管怎么说,你并不是要去娶岳母,你想要的是她女儿。” ——“是啊,可她也不太年轻了,而且她也并非严格意义上的美人。” ——“没有关系。如果她既不年轻,也不美,那她正好就是对您忠实的那一类。” ——“而且她也没有多少钱。” ——“谁在谈钱的话?那你是不是要跟钱结婚?你要娶的毕竟是个老婆啊。” ——“可她的腰也驼了。” ——“哎呀,你到底想要什么?她连一点缺点都不能有吗?” 很明显,弗洛伊德的本色最起码来说也算不上简单。可是,让我们来看看我们可以看到什么吧。 April 10 行为金融理论行为金融理论概述现代金融理论是建立在资本资产定价模型(CAPM)和有效市场假说(EMH)两大基石上的。这些经典理论承袭经济学的分析方法与技术,其模型与范式局限在“理性”的分析框架中,忽视了对投资者实际决策行为的分析。随着金融市场上各种异常现象的累积,模型和实际的背离使得现代金融理论的理性分析范式陷入了尴尬境地。在此基础上,20世纪80年代行为金融理论悄然兴起,并开始动摇了CAPM和 EMH的权威地位。行为金融理论在博弈论和实验经济学被主流经济学接纳之际,对人类个体和群体行为研究的日益重视,促成了传统的力学研究方式向以生命为中心的非线性复杂范式的转换,使得我们看到了金融理论与实际的沟壑有了弥合的可能。行为金融理论将人类心理与行为纳入金融的研究框架,但是由于涉及人类心理与行为研究的难度,加上行为金融刚刚起步,因而其本身也存在很多缺陷。 [编辑]
行为金融理论产生背景和发展历史[编辑]
(一)产生背景行为金融理论是在对现代金融理论(尤其是在对EMH和CAPM)的挑战和质疑的背景下形成的。 在EMH理论形成的过程中,奥斯本(Osberne)和法玛(Fama)的贡献最大。奥斯本提出了关于股票价格遵循随机游走的主张,认为投资者是根据他们的期望价值或收益率来估计股票的,而期望价值是可能的收益率的概率加权平均值,所以投资者在奥斯本定义上的理性是以无偏的方式设定其主观概率。在此基础上,法玛建构并形成了有效市场假说(EMH),EMH是由三个不断弱化的假说组成的:当投资者是理性时,投资者可以理性评估资产价值,市场是有效的;即使有些投资者不是理性的,但由于交易随机产生,也不会形成系统的价格偏差;即使投资者的非理性行为不是随机的,他们也将遇到理性的套期保值者,从而保证资产价格回归基本价值; 最后,即使非理性交易者在非基本价值的价格交易时,他的财富也将逐渐减少,以致不能在市场上生存。 法玛(1970)还进一步细分了三种有效市场,从而说明价格反映所有的公开信息,基本分析者的共识形成公平价格。所以EMH已经隐含了已知信息不能用来在市场上获利的命题。我们也可以说,到了法玛那里,EMH依赖于理性投资者。在EMH 产生与发展的同时,马科维茨(Markowitz)结合奥斯本的期望收益率分布,以其方差为度量,用以度量资产组合,得出投资者选择有效边界的风险和标准差给定水平上期望收益率最高的资产组合这个合意的结论。所以投资者在马科维茨定义上的理性是指他们是风险回避型的;在此基础上,夏普(Sharpe, 1964)、林特纳(Lintner,1965)和莫辛(Mossin,1966)将EMH和马科维茨的资产组合结合起来,以资本资产模型命名,建立了一个以一般均衡框架中的理性预期为基础的投资者行为模型CAPM。CAPM中的投资者有着同质的收益率预期,以相同的方式解读信息。在此假定下,CAPM得出:高风险的资产应为高收益率的补偿,投资者的最优投资决策应沿资本市场线进行的结论。 如果说EMH回答了已知的信息对获利没有价值的结论,那么CAPM则说明市场上的超额回报率是由于承担更大的风险才形成的结论,因而在一定程度上CAPM补充了EMH的理论空白和可能的漏洞。 自CAPM诞生后,20世纪七八十年代的研究一般集中在应用该模型进行经验研究和求证EMH的有效性上。但是随着后来研究的深入,逐渐发现了现代金融理论模型与投资者在证券市场上的实际投资决策行为是不相符合的。主要表现如下: 第一、现代金融理论认为人们的决策是建立在理性预期、风险回避、效用函数最大化等假设上。 实际投资决策并非如此。特韦尔斯基(1990)针对投资者准确无偏的奥斯本定义上的理性,指出投资者具有倾向于过分自信的心理特征;针对投资者如果接受更大的风险,他们就必须得到更高的收益率的补偿,即对马科维茨的投资者是风险回避型的修正,特氏研究表明,当牵涉到亏损时,投资者会倾向于追求风险,尤其是在追求风险有可能把他们的亏损减少到最低限度的时候;针对法玛和夏普意义上的投资者理性,研究发现投资者在决策中的预测是非贝叶斯预测,而且投资者会有回避损失和心理会计的偏差,还有减少后悔、推卸责任的心理。尤其值得提出的是研究表明,这种对理性决策的偏差是系统性的,并不能因为统计平均而消除 (Kahneman and Riepe,1998)。 第二,现代金融理论和EMH是建立在有效市场竞争的基础上。能够在市场竞争中幸存下来的只有理性投资者。证券市场投资行为是由理性的投资者主宰的。而Delong、Shleifer、Summers和Maldmann(1990、 1991)的研究表明,某些情况下,非理性投资者实际上可以获得比理性交易者更高的收益,非理性投资者仍然可以影响资产价格。 [编辑]
(二)发展历史行为金融理论的发展历史可以简单概括为以下几个阶段: 1.早期阶段。19世纪Gustave Lebon的“The Crowd”和Mackey的“Extraordinary Poplular Delusion and the Madness Of Crowds”是两本研究投资市场群体行为的经典之作;凯恩斯是最早强调心理预期在投资决策中作用的经济学家,他基于心理预期最早提出股市“选美竞赛”理论和基于投资者“动物精神”而产生的股市“乐车队效应”;Purrell是现代意义上金融理论的最早研究者,在其《以实验方法进行投资研究的可能性》 (1951)论文中,开拓了应用实验将投资模型与人的心理行为特征相结合的金融新领域。后来的Paul、Slovic等人继续进行了一些人类决策过程的心理学研究。 2.心理学行为金融阶段(从1960年至80年代中期)。这一阶段的行为金融研究以 Tversky和Kahglelman为代表。Tversky研究了人类行为与投资决策模型基本假设相冲突的三个方面:风险态度、心理会计和过度自信,并将观察到的现象称为“认知偏差”。Kahneman和Tverskv(1979)共同提出了“期望理论”,使之成为行为金融研究中的代表学说。但是当时的行为金融的研究还没有引起足够重视,一方面是因为此时EMH风行一时,另一方面是因为人们普遍认为研究人的心理、情绪对金融研究是不科学的。 3.金融学行为金融阶段(从20世纪80年代中期至今)。市场不断发现的异常现象引起金融学界的注意,大量的证据表明许多金融理论还不完善;再加上期望理论得到广泛认可和经验求证,所以这个时期的行为金融取得了突破性的进展。这个时期行为金融理论以芝加哥大学的Thaler和耶鲁大学的Shiller为代表。Thaler(1987,1999)研究了股票回报率的时间序列、投资者心理会计等问题。Shiller(1981,1990a,1990b)主要研究了股票价格的异常波动、股市中的“羊群效应”(Herd Behavior)、投机价格和流行心态的关系等。此外,Orden(1998)对于趋向性效应(disposition effect)的研究,Ritter(1999)对于IPO的异常现象的研究,Kahneman等(1998)对反应过度和反应不足切换机制的研究都受到了广泛的关注。与上个时期相比,这个时期的行为金融理论研究是从投资策略上加以完善,注重把心理学研究和投资决策结合起来。 [编辑]
行为金融理论的理论内容[编辑]
(一)理论基础1.期望理论。期望理论是行为金融学的重要理论基础。Kahneman和 Tversky(1979)通过实验对比发现,大多数投资者并非是标准金融投资者而是行为投资者,他们的行为不总是理性的,也并不总是风险回避的。期望理论认为投资者对收益的效用函数是凹函数,而对损失的效用函数是凸函数,表现为投资者在投资帐面值损失时更加厌恶风险,而在投资帐面值盈利时,随着收益的增加,其满足程度速度减缓。期望理论成为行为金融研究中的代表学说,利用期望理论解释了不少金融市场中的异常现象:如阿莱悖论、股价溢价之迷(equity premium puzzle)以及期权微笑(option smile)等,然而由于Kahneman和Tversky在期望理论中并没有给出如何确定价值函数的关键——参考点以及价值函数的具体形式,在理论上存在很大缺陷,从而极大阻碍了期望理论的进一步发展。 2.行为组合理论(Behavioral Portfolio Theory,BPT)和行为资产定价模型(Behavioral Asset Pricing Model,BAPM)。一些行为金融理论研究者认为将行为金融理论与现代金融理论完全对立起来并不恰当。将二者结合起来,对现代金融理论进行完善,正成为这些研究者的研究方向。在这方面,Statman和Shefrin提出的BPT和BAPM引起金融界的注意。BPT是在现代资产组合理论(MPT)的基础上发展起来的。MAPT认为投资者应该把注意力集中在整个组合,最优的组合配置处在均值方差有效前沿上。BPT认为现实中的投资者无法作到这一点,他们实际构建的资产组合是基于对不同资产的风险程度的认识以及投资目的所形成的一种金字塔式的行为资产组合,位于金字塔各层的资产都与特定的目标和风险态度相联系,而各层之间的相关性被忽略了。BAPM是对资本资产定价模型(CAPM)的扩展。与CAPM不同,BAPM中的投资者被分为两类:信息交易者和噪声交易者。信息交易者是严格按CAPM行事的理性交易者,不会出现系统偏差;噪声交易者则不按CAPM行事,会犯各种认知偏差错误。两类交易者互相影响共同决定资产价格。事实上,在BAPM中,资本市场组合的问题仍然存在,因为均值方差有效组合会随时间而改变。 [编辑]
(二)投资行为模型1.BSV模型(Barberis,Shleffer,and Vishny,1998)。BSV模型认为,人们进行投资决策时存在两种错误范式:其一是选择性偏差(representative bias),即投资者过分重视近期数据的变化模式,而对产生这些数据的总体特征重视不够,这种偏差导致股价对收益变化的反映不足(under- reaction)。另一种是保守性偏差(conservation),投资者不能及时根据变化了的情况修正自己的预测模型,导致股价过度反应(over -reaction)。BSV模型是从这两种偏差出发,解释投资者决策模型如何导致证券的市场价格变化偏离效率市场假说的。 2.DHS模型(Daniel,Hirsheifer and Subramanyam,1998)。该模型将投资者分为有信息和无信息两类。无信息的投资者不存在判断偏差,有信息的投资者存在着过度自信和有偏的自我归因(serf-contribution)。过度自信导致投资者夸大自己对股票价值判断的准确性;有偏的自我归因则使他们低估关于股票价值的公开信号。随着公共信息最终战胜行为偏差,对个人信息的过度反应和对公共信息的反应不足,就会导致股票回报的短期连续性和长期反转。所以Fama(1998)认为 DHS模型和BSV模型虽然建立在不同的行为前提基础上,但二者的结论是相似的。 3.HS模型(Hong and Stein,1999),又称统一理论模型(unified theory model)。统一理论模型区别于BSV和DHS模型之处在于:它把研究重点放在不同作用者的作用机制上,而不是作用者的认知偏差方面。该模型把作用者分为“观察消息者”和“动量交易者”两类。观察消息者根据获得的关于未来价值的信息进行预测,其局限是完全不依赖于当前或过去的价格;“动量交易者”则完全依赖于过去的价格变化,其局限是他们的预测必须是过去价格历史的简单函数,在上述假设下,该模型将反应不足和过度反应统一归结为关于基本价值信息的逐渐扩散,而不包括其他的对投资者情感刺激和流动性交易的需要。模型认为最初由于“观察消息者”对私人信息反应不足的倾向,使得“动量交易者”力图通过套期策略来利用这一点,而这样做的结果恰好走向了另一个极端——过度反应。 4.羊群效应模型(herd behavioral model)。该模型认为投资者羊群行为是符合最大效用准则的,是“群体压力”等情绪下贯彻的非理性行为,有序列型和非序列型两种模型。序列型由 Banerjee(1992)提出,在该模型中,投资者通过典型的贝叶斯过程从市场噪声以及其它个体的决策中依次获取决策信息,这类决策的最大特征是其决策的序列性。但是现实中要区分投资者顺序是不现实的。因而这一假设在实际金融市场中缺乏支持。非序列型则论证无论仿效倾向强或弱,都不会得到现代金融理论中关于股票的零点对称、单一模态的厚尾特征。 [编辑]
三、实证检验进入20世纪80年代以来,与现代金融理论相矛盾的实证研究不断涌现,主要体现在投资策略的改变上。下面介绍几种典型的行为金融策略: 1.小公司效应。小公司效应是指小盘股比大盘股的收益率高。Banz(1981)发现股票市值随着公司规模的增大而减少的趋势。同一年,Reimganum(1981)也发现了公司规模最小的普通股票的平均收益率要比根据CAPM模型预测的理论收益率高出18%。最近Siegl(1998)研究发现,平均而言小盘股比大盘股的年收益率高出4.7%,而且小公司效应大部分集中在1月份。由于公司的规模和1月份的到来都是市场已知信息,这一现象明显地违反了半强式有效市场假设。Lakonishok等(1994)的研究发现,高市净盈率的股票风险更大,在大盘下跌和经济衰退时,业绩特别差。市盈率与收益率的反向关系对EMH形成严峻的挑战,因为这时已知的信息对于收益率有明显的预测作用。 2.反向投资策略(contrary investment strategy)。就是买进过去表现差的股票而卖出,过去表现好的股票来进行套利的投资方法。一些研究显示,如选择低市盈率(PE)的股票;选择股票市值与帐面价值比值低、历史收益率低的股票,往往可以得到比预期收益率高很多的收益,而且这种收益是一种“长期异常收益”(1ong-term anomalies)。Desia、Jain(1997),Ikenberry、Rankine Stice(1996)也发现公司股票分割前后都存在着正的长期异常收益。行为金融理论认为反向投资策略是对股市过度反应的一种纠正,是一种简单外推的方法。 3.动量交易策略(momentum trading strategy)。即首先对股票收益和交易量设定过滤准则,当股市收益和交易量满足过滤准则就买入或卖出股票的投资策略。行为金融定义的动量交易策略源于对股市中间收益延续性的研究。Jegadeeshkg与Titman(1993)在对资产股票组合的中间收益进行研究时发现,以3至12个月为间隔所构造的股票组合的中间收益呈连续性,即中间价格具有向某一方向连续的动量效应。事实上,美国价值线排名(value line rankings)就是动量交易策略利用的例证。动量交易策略的应用其实就是对EMH的再次否定。 4.成本平均策略和时间分散化策略。成本平均策略指投资者根据不同的价格分批购买股票,以防不测时摊低成本的策略,而时间分散化指根据股票的风险将随着投资期限的延长而降低的信念,随着投资者年龄的增长而将股票的比例逐步减少的策略。这两个策略被认为与现代金融理论的预期效用最大化则明显相悖。Statman(1995),Fisher、Statman(1999)利用行为金融中的期望理论、认知错误倾向、厌恶悔恨等观点对两个策略进行了解释,指出了加强自我控制的改进建议。 行为金融理论已经开始成为金融研究中一个十分引人注目的领域,它对于原有理性框架中的现代金融理论进行了深刻的反思,从人的角度来解释市场行为,充分考虑市场参与者的心理因素的作用,为人们理解金融市场提供了一个新的视角。行为金融理论是第一个较为系统地对效率市场假说和现代金融理论提出挑战并能够有效地解释市场异常行为的理论。行为金融理论以心理学对人类的研究成果为依据,以人们的实际决策心理为出发点讨论投资者的投资决策对市场价格的影响。它注重投资者决策心理的多样性,突破了现代金融理论只注重最优决策模型,简单地认为理性投资决策模型就是决定证券市场价格变化的实际投资决策模型的假设,使人们对金融市场投资者行为的研究由“应该怎么做决策”转变到“实际是怎样做决策”,研究更接近实际。因而,尽管现代金融理论依然是对市场价格的最好描述,但行为金融的研究无疑是很有意义的。 如果您认为本条目还有待完善,需要补充新内容或修改错误内容,请编辑条目。 April 09 过度自信理论过度自信理论(overconfidence theory) 金融学的四大研究成果,即过度自信理论(Overconfidence Theory)、视野理论(Prospect Theory)、后悔理论(Regret Theory)及过度反应理论(Overreaction Theory)。 [编辑]
什么是投资者过度自信理论大量的认知心理学的文献认为,人是过度自信的,尤其对其自身知识的准确性过度自信。人们系统性地低估某类信息并高估其他信息。Gervaris、Heaton和Odean(2002)将过度自信定义为,认为自己知识的准确性比事实中的程度更高的一种信念,即对自己的信息赋予的权重大于事实上的权重。关于主观概率测度的研究也发现确实存在过度估计自身知识准确性的情况。 心理学家们的研究还发现一些职业领域往往与过度自信相联系,如外科医生和护士、心理学家、投资银行家、工程师、律师、投资者和经理在判断和决策中会存在过度自信特征。Grifin和Amos Tversky(1992)发现人们在回答中等到极度困难的问题时,倾向于过度自信。在回答容易问题时,倾向于不自信;当从事的是可预测性较强,有快速、清晰反馈的重复性的任务时,倾向于仔细推算。如专业桥牌运动员、赌马者和气象学者在决策时都倾向于仔细推算。 Frank(1935)发现人们过度估计了其完成任务的能力,并且这种过度估计随着个人在任务中的重要,性而增强,人们对未来事件有不切实际的乐观主义。Kunda(1987)发现人们期望好事情发生在自己身上的概率高于发生在别人身上的概率,甚至对于纯粹的随机事件有不切实际的的乐观义。人们会有不切实际的积极的自我评价,往往认为自己的能力、前途等会比其他人更好。过度自信的人往往有事后聪明的特点,夸大自己预测的准确性,尤其在他们期望一种结果,而这种结果确实发生时,往往会过度估计自己在产生这种合意结果中的作用。Daniel、Hirshleifer和Subrahmanyam(1998)认为成功者会将自己的成功归因于自己知识的准确性和个人能力,这种自我归因偏差会使成功者过度自信。 过度自信的人在做决策时,会过度估计突出而能引人注意的信息,尤其会过度估计与其已经存在的信念一致的信息,并倾向于搜集那些支持其信念的信息,而忽略那些不支持其信念的信息。当某些观点得到活灵活现的信息、重要的案例和明显的场景支持的时候,人们会更自信,并对这些信息反应过度。而当某些观点得到相关性强的、简洁的、统计性的和基本概率信息支持的时候,人们通常会低估这些信息,并对这些信息反应不足。 [编辑]
过度自信理论的主要内容人类倾向于从无序中看出规律,尤其是从一大堆随机的经济数据中,推出所谓的规律。Amos Tversky提供了大量的统计数据,来说明许多事件的发生完全是由于运气和偶然因素的结果,而人类有一种表征直觉推理(representative heuristic)特点,即从一些数据的表面特征,直觉推断出其内在的规律性,从而产生认知和判断上的偏差(biases of cognition and judgment)。投资者的归因偏好也加重了这种认知偏差,即将偶然的成功归因于自己操作的技巧,将失败的投资操作归于外界无法控制因素,从而产生了所谓过度自信(overconfidence)的心理现象 。过度自信是指人们对自己的判断能力过于自信。投资者趋向于认为别人的投资决策都是非理性的,而自己的决定是理性的,是在根据优势的信息基础上进行操作的,但事实并非如此。Daniel Kadmeman认为:过度自信来源于投资者对概率事件的错误估计,人们对于小概率事件发生的可能性产生过高的估计,认为其总是可能发生的,这也是各种博彩行为的心理依据;而对于中等偏高程度的概率性事件,易产生过低的估计;但对于90%以上的概率性事件,则认为肯定会发生。这是过度自信产生的一个主要原因。此外,参加投资活动会让投资者产生一种控制错觉(illusion of contro1),控制错觉也是产生过度自信的一个重要原因。 投资者和证券分析师们在他们有一定知识的领域中特别过于自信。然而,提高自信水平与成功投资并无相关。基金经理人、股评家以及投资者总认为自己有能力跑赢大盘,然而事实并非如此。Brad Barber和Terrance Odean在此领域做了大量研究。男性在许多领域(体育技能、领导能力、与别人相处能力)中总是过高估计自己。他们在1991年至1997年中,研究了38000名投资者的投资行为,将年交易量作为过度自信的指标,发现男性投资者的年交易量比女性投资者的年交易量总体高出20%以上,而投资收益却略低于女性投资者。数据显示:过度自信的投资者在市场中会频繁交易,总体表现为年交易量的放大。但由于过度自信而频繁地进行交易并不能让投资者获得更高的收益。在另一个研究中,他们取样1991年至1996年中的78 000名投资者,发现年交易量越高的投资者的实际投资收益越低。在一系列的研究中,他们还发现过度自信的投资者更喜欢冒风险,同时也容易忽略交易成本。这也是其投资收益低于正常水平的两大原因。 [编辑]
过度自信对金融市场的影响在传统的金融理论中都假设行为人是风险规避的,但现实中人往往是风险中 性甚至是风险寻求的。Friedman和Savage(1948)就发现,尽管赢得彩票的几率只有数百万分之一,但还是有很多人去买彩票,这种购买彩票的行为就表现为风险寻求。风险寻求的原因很可能是过度自信。 投资者的过度自信对金融市场也会造成影响。Odean(1998b)将市场参与者分为价格接受者、内部人和做市商,分析过度自信对金融市场的影响。在我国,价格接受者相当于中小散户投资者;机构投资者由于其较强的获得信息的能力,相当于内部人;我国不存在做市商,但是庄家的某些行为类似于做市商,可以作为做市商来分析其对金融市场的影响。这三类投资者在获取信息和价格决定上具有不同的机制。 1.过度自信对交易量的影响 当投资者过度自信时,市场中的交易量会增大。在无噪音的完全理性预期的市场中,如果不考虑流动性需求,交易量应该是零。如果理性是共识,当一个投资者买进股票时,另外的投资者卖出股票,买进者会考虑是否存在卖出者知道而买进者不知道的信息,这时就不会有交易产生。而现实中金融市场的交易量是非常大的。Dow和Gorton(1997)发现,全球外汇的日交易量大约是年度世界贸易总额和投资流动总额之和的四分之一。1998年纽约证券交易所的周转率超过75%。我国的情况更是 晾人,1996年上海证券交易所的换手率是591%,深圳证券交易所的换手率是902%。由于没有模型来说明在理性市场中交易量应该是多少,所以很难证明什么样的交易量是过多的。Odean(1998a)分析了投资者的买卖行为,发现在考虑了流动性需求、风险管理和税收影响后,投资者买进的股票表现差于卖出的股票,这些投资者交易过多,由于交易成本的原因,过多的交易损害了其收益,其解释是投资者是过度自信的,过度评价了其私人信息的准确性并错误地解释了这些信号,才导致了差的决策。Odean观察了166个投资俱乐部6年的交易,发现平均每年的周转量是65%,年净收益是14.1%,而作为基准的标准普尔500指数收益是18%。 2.过度自信对市场效率的影响 在理性市场中,只有当新的信息出来时,价格才会有变动。但是当投资者过度自信时,会对市场波动性产生影响。过度自信度对市场效率的影响取决于信息在市场中是如何散布的。如果少量信息被大量投资者获得,或者公开披露的信息被许多投资者做了不同的解释,过度自信会使这些信息被过度估计,导致价格偏离资产真实价值,这时过度自信损害了市场效率。如果信息仅为内部人所拥有,过度自信的内部人会过度估计其获得的私人信号,通过其过多的交易显示其私人信息,那么做市商、其他的投资者会迅速使得资产价格向其真实价值靠拢。如果内部人的信息对时间敏感,在其交易后会迅速成为公共信息,那么这种效率收益是短暂的,这时过度自信提高了市场效率。 3.过度自信对波动性的影响 过度自信的价格接受者会过度估计他们的个人信息,这会导致总的信号被过度估计,使得价格偏离其真实价格。由于过度自信使投资者扭曲了价格的影响,使市场波动增加。过度自信的做市商会促使内部人揭示更多的私人信息,从而将价格设定的更接近其真实价格,这时过度自信使市场波动增加,同时当做市商过度自信时,其风险规避程度会小于其不具有过度自信特征的程度,会认为持有存货的风险不大,这增加了其存货量,存货量的增加降低了市场波动。过度自信对价格的影响取决于不同特征交易者的数量、财富、风险承受能力和信息。如果市场中价格接受者和内部人的数量和财富都较大,而做市商的数量较少、力量较小,则价格的波动性会更大。 4.过度自信对投资者期望效用的影响 当投资者过度自信时,其资产组合并没有完全分散化,集中的资产组合会降低其期望效用。如果信息是有成本的,过度自信的投资者会花费更大的成本去成为知情者,同时进行更频繁的交易,由于交易费用的原因,过多的交易会降低其净收益(Odean,1998a)。Lakonishok等(1992)发现在1983-1989年间,积极的基金经理的业绩差于标准普尔500指数的表现,扣除管理费,积极的管理减少了基金价值。这可能是由于过度自信使得基金经理在获取信息上花费太大,或者是对其选股能力过度自信所导致。但是De long,Shleifer,Summers和Waldmann(1990)证明了过度自信的交易者能够在市场中存活下来。Wang(1997)用双寡头模型证明了过度自信的基金经理不仅能够获得比他的理性竞争对手更高的期望收益和效用,而且也比他理性时的收益和效用更高,所以过度自信严格占优于理性。 April 08 Cramer's ruleFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search
Cramer's rule is a theorem in linear algebra, which gives the solution of a system of linear equations or corresponding square matrices in terms of determinants. It is named after Gabriel Cramer (1704 – 1752), who published the rule in his 1750 Introduction à l'analyse des lignes courbes algébriques, although Colin Maclaurin also published the method in his 1748 Treatise of Geometry (and probably knew of the method as early as 1729).[1] Computationally, it is inefficient for large matrices and thus not used in practical applications which may involve many equations. However, as no pivoting is needed, it is more efficient than Gaussian elimination for small matrices, particularly when SIMD operations are used. Cramer's rule is of theoretical importance in that it gives an explicit expression for the solution of the system.
[edit] Explicit formulas for small systemsConsider the linear system which in matrix format is Then, x and y can be found with Cramer's rule as: and The rules for 3×3 are similar. Given: which in matrix format is x, y and z can be found as follows: [edit] Finding solution of a system of linear equations in the general caseConsider a system of linear equations represented in matrix multiplication form as where the square matrix A is invertible and the vector Then the theorem states that: where Ai is the matrix formed by replacing the ith column of A by the column vector b. This formula is, however, of limited practical value for larger matrices, as there are other more efficient ways of solving systems of linear equations, such as by Gauss elimination or, even better, LU decomposition. [edit] Finding inverse matrixLet A be an n×n matrix. Then where Adj(A) denotes the adjugate of A, det(A) is the determinant, and I is the identity matrix. If det(A) is invertible in R, then the inverse matrix of A is If R is a field (such as the field of real numbers), then this gives a formula for the inverse of A, provided det(A) ≠ 0. The formula is, however, of limited practical value for large matrices, as there are other more efficient ways of generating the inverse matrix, such as by Gauss–Jordan elimination. [edit] Abstract formulationThe rule holds in a commutative ring, not just in reals. [edit] Applications to differential geometryCramer's rule is also extremely useful for solving problems in differential geometry. Consider the two equations Finding an equation for First, calculate the first derivatives of F, G, x, and y: Substituting dx, dy into dF and dG, we have: Since u, v are both independent, the coefficients of du, dv must be zero. So we can write out equations for the coefficients: Now, by Cramer's rule, we see that: This is now a formula in terms of two Jacobians: Similar formulae can be derived for [edit] Applications to algebraCramer's rule can be used to prove the Cayley–Hamilton theorem of linear algebra, as well as Nakayama's lemma, which is fundamental in commutative ring theory. [edit] Relevance to eigenvaluesCramer's rule can be used to formulate the characteristic equation in eigenvalue problems. An eigenvector x is often expressed as This can be viewed as a linear system of equations in which the coefficient matrix is the expression in the parentheses, the matrix of the unknowns is x, and the right hand side matrix is zero. According to Cramer's rule, solutions to x are expressed as a quotient. The numerator will always be zero, since here c=0. Hence to find the non-trivial solutions (not all zeros), the denominator must also equal zero; that is, the determinant of the coefficient matrix must be zero. Then the solutions of the equation are given by: which is the familiar characteristic equation. [edit] Applications to integer programmingCramer's rule can be used to prove that an integer programming problem whose constraint matrix is totally unimodular and whose right-hand side is all integer has integer basic solutions. This makes the integer program substantially easier to solve. April 06 关于新头像:世界上第一位真正的数学家 毕达哥拉斯同样是从"雅典学院"摘下来的哦...
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"Pythagoras of Samos" redirects here. For the Samian statuary of the same name, see Pythagoras (sculptor).
For other uses, see Pythagoras (disambiguation).
Pythagoras of Samos (Greek: Ὁ Πυθαγόρας ὁ Σάμιος, O Pūthagoras o Samios, "Pythagoras the Samian", or simply Ὁ Πυθαγόρας; born between 580 and 572 BC, died between 500 and 490 BC) was an Ionian Greek mathematician and founder of the religious movement called Pythagoreanism. He is often revered as a great mathematician, mystic and scientist; however some have questioned the scope of his contributions to mathematics and natural philosophy. Herodotus referred to him as "the most able philosopher among the Greeks". His name led him to be associated with Pythian Apollo; Aristippus explained his name by saying, "He spoke (agor-) the truth no less than did the Pythian (Pyth-)," and Iamblichus tells the story that the Pythia prophesied that his pregnant mother would give birth to a man supremely beautiful, wise, and beneficial to humankind.[1] He is best known for the Pythagorean theorem, which bears his name. Known as "the father of numbers", Pythagoras made influential contributions to philosophy and religious teaching in the late 6th century BC. Because legend and obfuscation cloud his work even more than with the other pre-Socratics, one can say little with confidence about his life and teachings. We do know that Pythagoras and his students believed that everything was related to mathematics and that numbers were the ultimate reality and, through mathematics, everything could be predicted and measured in rhythmic patterns or cycles. According to Iamblichus of Chalcis, Pythagoras once said that "number is the ruler of forms and ideas and the cause of gods and daemons." He was the first man to call himself a philosopher, or lover of wisdom,[2] and Pythagorean ideas exercised a marked influence on Plato. Unfortunately, very little is known about Pythagoras because none of his writings have survived. Many of the accomplishments credited to Pythagoras may actually have been accomplishments of his colleagues and successors.
LifePythagoras was born on Samos, a Greek island in the eastern Aegean, off the coast of Asia Minor. He was born to Pythais (his mother, a native of Samos) and Mnesarchus (his father, a Phoenician merchant from Tyre). As a young man, he left his native city for Croton, Calabria, in Southern Italy, to escape the tyrannical government of Polycrates. According to Iamblichus, Thales, impressed with his abilities, advised Pythagoras to head to Memphis in Egypt and study with the priests there who were renowned for their wisdom. He was also discipled in the temples of Tyre and Byblos in Phoenicia. It may have been in Egypt where he learned some geometric principles which eventually inspired his formulation of the theorem that is now called by his name. This possible inspiration is presented as an extraordinaire problem in the Berlin Papyrus. Upon his migration from Samos to Croton, Calabria, Italy, Pythagoras established a secret religious society very similar to (and possibly influenced by) the earlier Orphic cult. Pythagoras undertook a reform of the cultural life of Croton, urging the citizens to follow virtue and form an elite circle of followers around himself called Pythagoreans. Very strict rules of conduct governed this cultural center. He opened his school to both male and female students uniformly. Those who joined the inner circle of Pythagoras's society called themselves the Mathematikoi. They lived at the school, owned no personal possessions and were required to assume a mainly vegetarian diet (meat that could be sacrificed was allowed to be eaten). Other students who lived in neighboring areas were also permitted to attend Pythagoras's school. Known as Akousmatikoi, these students were permitted to eat meat and own personal belongings. Richard Blackmore, in his book The Lay Monastery (1714), saw in the religious observances of the Pythagoreans, "the first instance recorded in history of a monastic life." According to Iamblichus, the Pythagoreans followed a structured life of religious teaching, common meals, exercise, reading and philosophical study. Music featured as an essential organizing factor of this life: the disciples would sing hymns to Apollo together regularly; they used the lyre to cure illness of the soul or body; poetry recitations occurred before and after sleep to aid the memory. Flavius Josephus, in his polemical Against Apion, in defence of Judaism against Greek philosophy, mentions that according to Hermippus of Smyrna, Pythagoras was familiar with Jewish beliefs, incorporating some of them in his own philosophy. Towards the end of his life he fled to Metapontum because of a plot against him and his followers by a noble of Croton named Cylon. He died in Metapontum around 90 years old from unknown causes. Bertrand Russell, in A History of Western Philosophy, contended that the influence of Pythagoras on Plato and others was so great that he should be considered the most influential of all western philosophers. PythagoreansMain article: Pythagoreans
The organization was in some ways a school, in some ways a brotherhood, and in some ways a monastery. It was based upon the religious teachings of Pythagoras and was very secretive. At first, the school was highly concerned with the morality of society. Members were required to live ethically, love one another, share political beliefs, practice pacifism, and devote themselves to the mathematics of nature. Pythagoras's followers were commonly called "Pythagoreans". They are generally accepted as philosophical mathematicians who had an influence on the beginning of axiomatic geometry, which after two hundred years of development was written down by Euclid in The Elements. The Pythagoreans observed a rule of silence called echemythia, the breaking of which was punishable by death. This was because the Pythagoreans believed that a man's words were usually careless and misrepresented him and that when someone was "in doubt as to what he should say, he should always remain silent". Another rule that they had was to help a man "in raising a burden, but do not assist him in laying it down, for it is a great sin to encourage indolence", and they said "departing from your house, turn not back, for the furies will be your attendants"; this axiom reminded them that it was better to learn none of the truth about mathematics, God, and the universe at all than to learn a little without learning all. (The Secret Teachings of All Ages by Manly P. Hall). In his biography of Pythagoras (written seven centuries after Pythagoras's time), Porphyry stated that this silence was "of no ordinary kind." The Pythagoreans were divided into an inner circle called the mathematikoi ("mathematicians") and an outer circle called the akousmatikoi ("listeners"). Porphyry wrote "the mathematikoi learned the more detailed and exactly elaborated version of this knowledge, the akousmatikoi (were) those who had heard only the summary headings of his (Pythagoras's) writings, without the more exact exposition." According to Iamblichus, the akousmatikoi were the exoteric disciples who listened to lectures that Pythagoras gave out loud from behind a veil. The akousmatikoi were not allowed to see Pythagoras and they were not taught the inner secrets of the cult. Instead they were taught laws of behavior and morality in the form of cryptic, brief sayings that had hidden meanings. The akousmatikoi recognized the mathematikoi as real Pythagoreans, but not vice versa. After the murder of a number of the mathematikoi by the cohorts of Cylon, a resentful disciple, the two groups split from each other entirely, with Pythagoras's wife Theano and their two daughters leading the mathematikoi. Theano, daughter of the Orphic initiate Brontinus, was a mathematician in her own right. She is credited with having written treatises on mathematics, physics, medicine, and child psychology, although nothing of her writing survives. Her most important work is said to have been a treatise on the philosophical principle of the golden mean. In a time when women were usually considered property and relegated to the role of housekeeper or spouse, Pythagoras allowed women to function on equal terms in his society.[3] The Pythagorean society is associated with prohibitions such as not to step over a crossbar, and not to eat beans. These rules seem like primitive superstition, similar to "walking under a ladder brings bad luck". The abusive epithet mystikos logos ("mystical speech") was hurled at Pythagoras even in ancient times to discredit him. The prohibition on beans could be linked to favism, which is relatively widespread around the Mediterranean. The key here is that akousmata means "rules", so that the superstitious taboos primarily applied to the akousmatikoi, and many of the rules were probably invented after Pythagoras's death and independent from the mathematikoi (arguably the real preservers of the Pythagorean tradition). The mathematikoi placed greater emphasis on inner understanding than did the akousmatikoi, even to the extent of dispensing with certain rules and ritual practices. For the mathematikoi, being a Pythagorean was a question of innate quality and inner understanding. There was also another way of dealing with the akousmata — by allegorizing them. We have a few examples of this, one being Aristotle's explanations of them: "'step not over a balance', i.e. be not covetous; 'poke not the fire with a sword', i.e. do not vex with sharp words a man swollen with anger, 'eat not heart', i.e. do not vex yourself with grief," etc. We have evidence for Pythagoreans allegorizing in this way at least as far back as the early fifth century BC. This suggests that the strange sayings were riddles for the initiated. The Pythagoreans are known for their theory of the transmigration of souls, and also for their theory that numbers constitute the true nature of things. They performed purification rites and followed and developed various rules of living which they believed would enable their soul to achieve a higher rank among the gods. Much of their mysticism concerning the soul seem inseparable from the Orphic tradition. The Orphics advocated various purificatory rites and practices as well as incubatory rites of descent into the underworld. Pythagoras is also closely linked with Pherecydes of Syros, the man ancient commentators tend to credit as the first Greek to teach a transmigration of souls. Ancient commentators agree that Pherekydes was Pythagoras's most intimate teacher. Pherekydes expounded his teaching on the soul in terms of a pentemychos ("five-nooks", or "five hidden cavities") — the most likely origin of the Pythagorean use of the pentagram, used by them as a symbol of recognition among members and as a symbol of inner health (ugieia). Musical theories and investigationsPythagoras was very interested in music, and so were his followers. The Pythagoreans were musicians as well as mathematicians. Pythagoras wanted to improve the music of his day, which he believed was not harmonious enough and was too hectic. According to legend, the way Pythagoras discovered that musical notes could be translated into mathematical equations was when one day he passed blacksmiths at work, and thought that the sounds emanating from their anvils being hit were beautiful and harmonious and decided that whatever scientific law caused this to happen must be mathematical and could be applied to music. He went to the blacksmiths to learn how this had happened by looking at their tools, he discovered that it was because the anvils were "simple ratios of each other, one was half the size of the first, another was 2/3 the size, and so on." (See Pythagorean tuning.) The Pythagoreans elaborated on a theory of numbers, the exact meaning of which is still debated among scholars. Pythagoras believed in something called the "harmony of the spheres." He believed that the planets and stars moved according to mathematical equations, which corresponded to musical notes and thus produced a symphony.[4]
InfluenceSince the fourth century AD, Pythagoras has commonly been given credit for discovering the Pythagorean theorem, a theorem in geometry that states that in a right-angled triangle the square of the hypotenuse (the side opposite the right angle), c, is equal to the sum of the squares of the other two sides, b and a—that is, a² + b² = c². While the theorem that now bears his name was known and previously utilized by the Babylonians and Indians, he, or his students, are often said to have constructed the first proof. It must, however, be stressed that the way in which the Babylonians handled Pythagorean numbers, implies that they knew that the principle was generally applicable, and knew some kind of proof, which has not yet been found in the (still largely unpublished) cuneiform sources.[5] Because of the secretive nature of his school and the custom of its students to attribute everything to their teacher, there is no evidence that Pythagoras himself worked on or proved this theorem. For that matter, there is no evidence that he worked on any mathematical or meta-mathematical problems. Some attribute it as a carefully constructed myth by followers of Plato over two centuries after the death of Pythagoras, mainly to bolster the case for Platonic meta-physics, which resonate well with the ideas they attributed to Pythagoras. This attribution has stuck, down the centuries up to modern times.[6] The earliest known mention of Pythagoras's name in connection with the theorem occurred five centuries after his death, in the writings of Cicero and Plutarch. Today, Pythagoras is revered as a prophet by the Ahl al-Tawhid or Druze faith along with his fellow Greek, Plato. But Pythagoras also had his critics, such as Heraclitus who said that "much learning does not teach wisdom; otherwise it would have taught Hesiod and Pythagoras, and again Xenophanes and Hecataeus".[7] Religion and sciencePythagoras’ religious and scientific views were, in his opinion, inseparably interconnected. Religiously, Pythagoras was a believer of metempsychosis. He believed in transmigration, or the reincarnation of the soul again and again into the bodies of humans, animals, or vegetables until it became moral. His ideas of reincarnation were influenced by ancient Greek religion. He was one of the first to propose that the thought processes and the soul were located in the brain and not the heart. He himself claimed to have lived four lives that he could remember in detail, and heard the cry of his dead friend in the bark of a dog. One of Pythagoras' beliefs was that the essence of being is number. Thus, being relies on stability of all things that create the universe. Things like health relied on a stable proportion of elements; too much or too little of one thing causes an imbalance that makes a being unhealthy. Pythagoras viewed thinking as the calculating with the idea numbers. When combined with the Folk theories, the philosophy evolves into a belief that Knowledge of the essence of being can be found in the form of numbers. If this is taken a step further, one can say that because mathematics is an unseen essence, the essence of being is an unseen characteristic that can be encountered by the study of mathematics. Literary worksNo texts by Pythagoras survive, although forgeries under his name — a few of which remain extant — did circulate in antiquity. Critical ancient sources like Aristotle and Aristoxenus cast doubt on these writings. Ancient Pythagoreans usually quoted their master's doctrines with the phrase autos ephe ("he himself said") — emphasizing the essentially oral nature of his teaching. Pythagoras appears as a character in the last book of Ovid's Metamorphoses, where Ovid has him expound upon his philosophical viewpoints. Pythagoras has been quoted as saying, "No man is free who cannot command himself." LoreThere is another side to Pythagoras, as he became the subject of elaborate legends surrounding his historic persona. Aristotle described Pythagoras as a wonder-worker and somewhat of a supernatural figure, attributing to him such aspects as a golden thigh, which was a sign of divinity. According to Aristotle and others' accounts, some ancients believed that he had the ability to travel through space and time, and to communicate with animals and plants.[8] An extract from Brewer's Dictionary of Phrase and Fable's entry entitled "Golden Thigh":
Another legend, also taken from Brewer's Dictionary, describes his writing on the moon:
Other accomplishments
One of Pythagoras's major accomplishments was the discovery that music was based on proportional intervals of the numbers one through four. He believed that the number system, and therefore the universe system, was based on the sum of these numbers: ten. Pythagoreans swore by the Tetrachtys of the Decad, or ten, rather than by the gods. Odd numbers were masculine and even were feminine. He discovered the theory of mathematical proportions, constructed from three to five geometrical solids. One member of his order, Hippasos, also discovered irrational numbers, but the idea was unthinkable to Pythagoras, and according to legend, Hippasos was executed. Pythagoras (or the Pythagoreans) also discovered square numbers. They found that if one took, for example, four small stones and arranged them into a square, each side of the square was not only equivalent to the other, but that when the two sides were multiplied together, they equaled the sum total of stones in the square arrangement, hence the name "Square Root"[11]. He was one of the first to think that the earth was round, that all planets have an axis, and that all the planets travel around one central point. He originally identified that point as Earth, but later renounced it for the idea that the planets revolve around a central “fire” that he never identified as the sun. He also believed that the moon was another planet that he called a “counter-Earth” – furthering his belief in the Limited-Unlimited. Groups influenced by PythagorasInfluence on PlatoPythagoras or in a broader sense, the Pythagoreans, allegedly exercised an important influence on the work of Plato. According to R. M. Hare, his influence consists of three points: a) the platonic Republic might be related to the idea of "a tightly organized community of like-minded thinkers", like the one established by Pythagoras in Croton. b) there is evidence that Plato possibly took from Pythagoras the idea that mathematics and, generally speaking, abstract thinking is a secure basis for philosophical thinking as well as "for substantial theses in science and morals". c) Plato and Pythagoras shared a "mystical approach to the soul and its place in the material world". It is probable that both have been influenced by Orphism.[12] Plato's harmonics were clearly influenced by the work of Archytas, a genuine Pythagorean of the third generation, who made important contributions to geometry, reflected in Book VIII of Euclid's Elements. Roman influenceIn the legends of ancient Rome, Numa Pompilius, the second King of Rome, is said to have studied under Pythagoras. This is unlikely, since the commonly accepted dates for the two lives do not overlap. Influence on esoteric groupsPythagoras started a secret society called the Pythagorean brotherhood devoted to the study of mathematics. This had a great effect on future esoteric traditions, such as Rosicrucianism and Freemasonry, both of which were occult groups dedicated to the study of mathematics and both of which claimed to have evolved out of the Pythagorean brotherhood. The mystical and occult qualities of Pythagorean mathematics are discussed in a chapter of Manly P. Hall's The Secret Teachings of All Ages entitled "Pythagorean Mathematics". Pythagorean theory was tremendously influential on later numerology, which was extremely popular throughout the Middle East in the ancient world. The 8th-century Muslim alchemist Jabir ibn Hayyan grounded his work in an elaborate numerology greatly influenced by Pythagorean theory.[citation needed] Independence of irrelevant alternativesFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search
Independence of irrelevant alternatives (IIA) is a term for an axiom of decision theory and various social sciences. Although exact formulations of IIA differ, intentions of the usages are similar in attempting to provide a rational account of individual behavior or aggregation of individual preferences. IIA is also known as "Chernoff's condition" or Sen's property α (alpha) Under one common formulation, the axiom states that:
In other words, whether A or B is better should not be changed by the availability of X, which is irrelevant to the choice between A and B. This formulation appears in bargaining theory, theories of individual choice, and voting theory. It is controversial for two reasons: first, some theorists find it too strict an axiom; second, experiments by Amos Tversky, Daniel Kahneman, and others have shown that human behaviour rarely adheres to this axiom. A distinct formulation of IIA is that of social choice theory:
In other words, whether A or B is selected should not be affected by a change in the vote for an unavailable X, which is thus irrelevant to the choice between A and B. Kenneth Arrow (1951) shows the impossibility of aggregating individual preferences ("votes") satisfying IIA and certain other apparently reasonable conditions.
[edit] Voting theoryIn voting systems, independence of irrelevant alternatives is often interpreted as, if one candidate (X) wins the election, and a new alternative (Y) is added, only X or Y will win the election. Approval voting and range voting satisfy the independence of irrelevant alternatives criterion, largely because they are cardinal rather than ordinal voting systems and votes for one candidate do not restrict votes for another. Another cardinal system, cumulative voting, does not satisfy the criterion. An anecdote which illustrates a violation of this property has been attributed to Sidney Morgenbesser:
All voting systems have some degree of inherent susceptibility to strategic nomination considerations. Some regard these considerations as less serious unless the voting system specifically fails the (easier to satisfy) independence of clones criterion. [edit] Local independenceA related criterion proposed by H. P. Young and A. Levenglick is called local independence of irrelevant alternatives. It says that if one candidate (X) wins an election, and a new alternative (Y) is added, X will still win the election if Y is not in the Smith set. In other words, the outcome of the election is independent of alternatives which are not in the Smith set. Note that this neither implies nor is implied by the independence of irrelevant alternatives criterion; in fact, the two are mutually exclusive. No deterministic ranked methods satisfy IIA, but local IIA is satisfied by some methods which always elect from the Smith set, such as ranked pairs and Schulze method. [edit] CriticismMany voting theorists believe that IIA is too strong a condition. The majority criterion is incompatible with IIA. Consider
Without loss of generality, suppose a voting system satisfying the majority criterion chooses A. If B drops out of the race, the remaining votes will be:
and C will win under the majority criterion, even though the change (B dropping out) concerned an "irrelevant" alternative candidate who did not win in the original circumstance. This is an example of the spoiler effect. Some text of this article is derived with permission from http://condorcet.org/emr/criteria.shtml [edit] IIA in social choiceFrom Kenneth Arrow (1951, pp. 15, 23, 27), each "voter" i in the society has an ordering Ri that ranks the (conceivable) objects of social choice—X, Y, and Z in simplest case -- from lowest on up (say candidates for public office or social states from different economic policies). The voting rule in turn maps the set of voter orderings (R1, ...,Rn) onto a social ordering R that determines the social ranking of X, Y, and Z. In the first edition of his book, Arrow made a mistake in interpreting the IIA axiom. This mistake was later corrected but it reappears from time to time in various publications. Let's take a look at Arrow's original mistake. Among the objects of choice, he distinguished those that by hypothesis are specified as feasible and infeasible. Consider two possible sets of voter orderings (R1, ...,Rn ) and (R1', ...,Rn') such that the ranking of X and Y for each voter i is the same for Ri and Ri'. The voting rule generates corresponding social orderings R and R'. Now suppose that X and Y are feasible but Z is infeasible (say, the candidate is not on the ballot or the social state is outside the production possibility curve). Arrow required that the voting rule that R and R' select the same (top-ranked) social choice from the feasible set (X, Y), and that this requirement holds no matter what the ranking is of infeasible Z relative to X and Y in the two sets of orderings. In fact, the IIA axiom does not allow to "remove" an alternative from the available set (or a candidate from the ballot). It says nothing about what would happen in such a case. All alternatives are assumed "feasible." IIA requires that whenever a pair of alternatives is ranked the same way in two preference profiles (that are over the same sets of alternatives), then the voting rule must order these two alternatives identically. Paramesh Ray (1973) showed that Arrow's IIA does not imply an IIA similar to that at the top of this article nor conversely. [edit] IIA in econometricsThe independence of irrelevant alternatives (IIA) in econometrics is a property of the multinomial logit (also called conditional logit) models in econometrics; outcomes that could theoretically violate this IIA (such as the outcome of multicandidate elections or any choice made by humans) may make multinomial logit and conditional logit invalid estimators. IIA implies that adding another alternative or changing the characteristics of a third alternative does not affect the relative odds between the two alternatives considered. This implication is not realistic for applications with similar alternatives. Many examples have been constructed to illustrate this problem, including Beethoven/Debussy (Debreu 1960; Tversky 1972), Bicycle/Pony (Luce and Suppes 1965), and Red Bus/Blue Bus (McFadden 1974). Consider the Red Bus/Blue Bus example. Commuters initially face a decision between two modes of transportation: car and red bus. Suppose that a consumer chooses between these two options with equal probability, 0.5, so that the odds equal 1. Now suppose a third mode, blue bus, is added. Assuming bus commuters do not care about the color of the bus, consumers are expected to choose between bus and car still with equal probability. But IIA implies that this is not the case: the probability of commuters that take each of the three modes equals one third. (Based on Wooldridge 2002, pp. 501-2.) Many modeling advances have been motivated by a desire to alleviate the concerns raised by IIA. Generalized extreme value (McFadden 1978), multinomial probit (also called conditional probit) and mixed logit are alternative models for nominal outcomes which relax IIA, but these models often have assumptions of their own that may be difficult to meet or are computationally infeasible. The multinomial probit model has as a disadvantage that it makes calculation of maximum likelihood infeasible for more than five alternatives as it involves multiple integrals. IIA can also be relaxed by specifying a hierarchical model, ranking the choice alternatives. The most popular of these is called the nested logit model (McFadden 1984). Generalized extreme value and multinomial probit models possess another property, the Invariant Proportion of Substitution (Steenburgh 2008), which suggests similarly counterintuitive individual choice behavior. [edit] Examples[edit] Borda countIn a Borda count election, 5 voters rank 5 alternatives [A, B, C, D, E]. 3 voters rank [A>B>C>D>E]. 1 voter ranks [C>D>E>B>A]. 1 voter ranks [E>C>D>B>A]. Borda count (a=0, b=1): C=13, A=12, B=11, D=8, E=6. C wins. Now, the voter who ranks [C>D>E>B>A] instead ranks [C>B>E>D>A]; and the voter who ranks [E>C>D>B>A] instead ranks [E>C>B>D>A]. Note that they change their preferences only over the pairs [B, D] and [B, E]. The new Borda count: B=14, C=13, A=12, E=6, D=5. B wins. Note that the social choice has changed the ranking of [B, A], [B, C] and [D, E]. The changes in the social choice ranking are dependent on irrelevant changes in the preference profile. In particular, B now wins instead of C, even though no voter changed their preference over [B, C]. [edit] Instant-runoff votingIn an instant-runoff election, 5 voters rank 3 alternatives [A, B, C]. 2 voters rank [A>B>C]. 2 voters rank [C>B>A]. 1 voter ranks [B>A>C]. Round 1: A=2, B=1, C=2; B eliminated. Round 2: A=3, C=2; A wins. Now, the two voters who rank [C>B>A] instead rank [B>C>A]. Note that they only change their preferences over B and C. Round 1: A=2, B=3, C=0; C eliminated. Round 2: A=2, B=3; B wins. Note that the social choice ranking of [A, B] is dependent on preferences over the irrelevant alternatives [B, C]. [edit] Kemeny-Young method
[edit] Minimax Condorcet
[edit] Plurality voting systemIn a plurality voting system 7 voters rank 3 alternatives [A, B, C]. 3 voters rank [A>B>C] 2 voters rank [B>A>C] 2 voters rank [C>B>A] The plurality winner is A, with 3 votes out of 7. Now, the 2 voters who rank [C>B>A] instead rank [B>C>A]; note that they only change their preferences over [B, C]. The new plurality winner is B, with 4 votes out of 7. The social choice has swapped B ahead of A, even though the only change in the preference profile was between B and C, which are irrelevant alternatives. [edit] Range voting
[edit] Ranked Pairs
[edit] Two-round systemA probable example of the two-round system's failing this criterion was the 1991 Louisiana gubernatorial election. Polls leading up to the election suggested that, had the runoff been Edwin Edwards v Buddy Roemer, Roemer would have won. However, in the actual election, David Duke managed to finish second and make the runoff instead of Roemer, a runoff which Edwards then won by a large margin. Thus, the presence of Duke in the election changed which of the non-Duke candidates won. [edit] Schulze method
See Schulze method Logit模型維基百科,自由的百科全書Logit模型(Logit model,也譯作「評定模型」,「分類評定模型」,又作Logistic regression,「邏輯回歸」)是離散選擇法模型之一,屬於多重變數分析範疇,是社會學、生物統計學、臨床、數量心理學、市場營銷等統計實證分析的常用方法。
[編輯] 邏輯分佈(Logistic distribution)公式其中參數β常用極大似然估計。 [編輯] IIA假設「Independent and irrelevant alternatives」假設,也稱作「IIA效應」,指Logit模型中的各個可選項是獨立的不相關的。 [編輯] IIA假設示例市場上有A,B,C三個商品相互競爭,分別佔有市場佔有率:60%,30%和10%,三者比例為:6:3:1 一個新產品D引入市場,有能力佔有20%的市場—— 如果滿足IIA假設,各個產品獨立作用,互不關聯:新產品D佔有20%的市場佔有率,剩下的80%在A、B、C之間按照6:3:1的比例瓜分,分別佔有48%,24%和8%。 如果不滿足IIA假設,比如新產品D跟產品B幾乎相同,則新產品D跟產品B嚴重相關:新產品D奪去產品B的部分市場,佔有總份額的20%,產品B佔有剩餘的10%,而產品A和C的市場佔有率保持60%和10%不變。 [編輯] 滿足IIA假設的優點[編輯] IIA假設的檢驗[編輯] Hausman檢驗Hausman和McFadden提出的。 [編輯] 一般化模型的檢驗[編輯] IIA問題的解決方法[編輯] 多項式Probit模型[編輯] 一般化極值模型可以將可選項間的相關性建模 [編輯] 分簇Logit模型分簇(Nested)表示可選項被分作不同的組,組與組之間不相關,組內的可選項相關,相關程度用1-λg來表示(1-λg越大,相關程度越高) [編輯] 對偶組合Logit模型[編輯] 一般化分簇Logit模型[編輯] 混合Logit模型[編輯] 二類評定模型(Binary Logit Model)
Nonlinear regressionFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search
See Michaelis-Menten kinetics for details In statistics, nonlinear regression is a form of regression analysis in which observational data are modeled by a function which is a nonlinear combination of the model parameters and depends on one or more independent variables. The data are fitted by a method of successive approximations.
[edit] GeneralThe data consist of error-free independent variables (explanatory variable), x, and their associated observed dependent variables (response variable), y. The ys are modeled as a random variable with mean a nonlinear function f(x,β). Systematic error may be present but its treatment is outside the scope of regression analysis. If the independent variables are not error-free, this is an errors-in-variables model, also outside this scope. For example, the Michaelis-Menten model for enzyme kinetics can be written as where β1 is the parameter Vmax, β2 is the parameter Km and [S] is the independent variable, x. This function is nonlinear because it cannot be expressed as a linear combination of the βs. Other examples of nonlinear functions include exponential functions, logarithmic functions, trigonometric functions, power functions, Gaussian function, and Lorentzian curves. Some functions, such as the exponential or logarithmic functions, can be transformed so that they are linear. When so transformed, standard linear regression can be performed but must be applied with caution. See Linearization, below, for more details. In general, there is no closed-form expression for the best-fitting parameters, as there is in linear regression. Usually numerical optimization algorithms are applied to determine the best-fitting parameters. Again in contrast to linear regression, there may be many local minima of the function to be optimized. In practice, estimated values of the parameters are used, in conjunction with the optimization algorithm, to attempt to find the global minimum of a sum of squares. For details concerning nonlinear data modeling see least squares and non-linear least squares. [edit] Regression statisticsThe assumption underlying this procedure is that the model can be approximated by a linear function. where The nonlinear regression statistics are computed and used as in linear regression statistics, but using J in place of X in the formulas. The linear approximation introduces bias into the statistics. Therefore more caution than usual is required in interpreting statistics derived from a nonlinear model. [edit] Ordinary and weighted least squaresThe best-fit curve is often assumed to be that which minimizes the sum of squared residuals. This is the (ordinary) least squares (OLS) approach. However, in cases where the dependent variable does not have constant variance a sum of weighted squared residuals may be minimized; see weighted least squares. Each weight should ideally be equal to the reciprocal of the variance of the observation, but weights may be recomputed on each iteration, in an iteratively weighted least squares algorithm. [edit] LinearizationSome nonlinear regression problems can be moved to a linear domain by a suitable transformation of the model formulation. For example, consider the nonlinear regression problem (ignoring the error): If we take a logarithm of both sides, it becomes suggesting estimation of the unknown parameters by a linear regression of ln(y) on x, a computation that does not require iterative optimization. However, use of a linear transformation requires caution. The influences of the data values will change, as will the error structure of the model and the interpretation of any inferential results. These may not be desired effects. On the other hand, depending on what the largest source of error is, a linear transformation may distribute your errors in a normal fashion, so the choice to perform a linear transformation must be informed by modeling considerations. For Michaelis-Menten kinetics, the linear Lineweaver–Burk plot of 1/v against 1/[S] has been much used. However, it is very sensitive to data error and it is strongly biased toward fitting the data in a particular range of the independent variable, [S], its use is strongly deprecated. Panel dataFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopediaJump to: navigation, search
In statistics and econometrics, the term panel data refers to two-dimensional data. In marketing, panel data refers to data collected at the point-of-sale (also called scanner data). Data is broadly classified according to the number of dimensions. A data set containing observations on a single phenomenon observed over multiple time periods is called time series. In time series data, both the values and the ordering of the data points have meaning. A data set containing observations on multiple phenomena observed at a single point in time is called cross-sectional. In cross-sectional data sets, the values of the data points have meaning, but the ordering of the data points does not. A data set containing observations on multiple phenomena observed over multiple time periods is called panel data. Alternatively, the second dimension of data may be some entity other than time. For example, when there is a sample of groups, such as siblings or families, and several observations from every group, the data is panel data. Whereas time series and cross-sectional data are both one-dimensional, panel data sets are two-dimensional. Data sets with more than two dimensions are typically called multi-dimensional panel data.
[edit] Example
In the example above, two data sets with a two-dimensional panel structure are shown. Individual characteristics (income, age, sex) are collected for different persons and different years. In the left data set two persons (1, 2) are observed over three years (2003, 2004, 2005). Because each person is observed every year, the left-hand data set is called a balanced panel, whereas the data set on the right hand is called an unbalanced panel, since Person 1 is not observed in year 2005 and person 3 only in 2004. [edit] Analysis of panel dataA panel has the form
μi are individual-specific, time-invariant effects (for example in a panel of countries this could include geography, climate etc.) and because we assume they are fixed over time, this is called the fixed-effects model. The random effects model assumes in addition that and that is, the two error components are independent from each other. April 04 Daniel Kahneman; 2002年诺贝尔经济学奖文章来源:心理科学进200301 【作 者】周国梅/荆其诚 【作者简介】周国梅 荆其诚 中国科学院心理研究所,北京 100101 【内容提要】心理学家Daniel Kahneman被授予2002年诺贝尔经济学奖。他遵循1978年诺贝尔经济学奖获得者Herbert A.Simon的“有限理性”理论和启发式的思想,提出3种常见的启发式:代表性、可得性以及锚定和调整。Kahneman发现人类的决策行为常常是非理性和有偏差的,这与传统经济学理论(期望效用理论)的预期不符,而且这种偏差是有规律的。Kahneman提出前景理论以解释人类在不确定条件下的判断和决策行为。他获得诺贝尔经济学奖是因为他“把心理学的,特别是关于不确定条件下人的判断和决策的研究思想,结合到了经济科学中。”该文列举实例简单介绍了Daniel Kahneman对心理学和经济学的贡献。 【关 键 词】DanielKahneman/诺贝尔经济学奖/启发式/期望效用理论/前景理论 Daniel Kahneman/Nobel Prize in Economics/heuristics/expected utility theory/prospect theory 【正 文】 2002年10月9日,瑞典皇家科学院宣布把该年的诺贝尔经济学奖授予美国普林斯顿大学心理学和公共关系学教授Daniel Kahneman以及美国乔治-梅森大学的经济学和法学教授Vernon L.Smith。Daniel Kahneman获得诺贝尔经济学奖是因为在他的研究中,“把心理学的,特别是关于不确定条件下人的判断和决策的研究思想,结合到经济科学中。”Vernon L.Smith的贡献是开创了实验经济学的新领域。他认为人类的经济行为不仅可以进行宏观研究,而且可以在实验室进行研究,如对市场设计就可以事先用被试进行实验,从而确立了实验室研究作为经济分析的主要手段之一。 Daniel Kahneman1934年出生于以色列的特拉维夫。1954年在以色列的希伯来大学获心理学和数学学士学位,1961年在美国加利福尼亚大学伯克利分校获心理学博士学位。然后回国工作,任希伯来大学心理学讲师、副教授、教授,并在美国行为科学高级研究中心、密西根大学、哈佛大学、英国剑桥的应用心理学研究所进行访问研究。1978至1986年任加拿大的不列颠哥伦比亚大学心理学教授。1986~1994年任加利福尼亚大学伯克利分校的心理学教授。1993年至今任普林斯顿大学Eugene Higgins心理学教授、公共关系教授。他是美国国家科学院院士,美国人文和科学院院士,拥有美国和以色列的双重国籍。 下面从对人类能力认识的历史开始介绍Daniel Kahneman的科学贡献。 1 理性人假设和有限理性 自Aristotle时期始,哲学家认为人是理性的动物,其行为是由理性驱使的,只有在特殊情况下,如疲劳、醉酒和愤怒时,人们的决策和思维才会是非理性的。这个理论认为正常的人具有合理的推理能力,掌握了规范化的理智和决策原则。这些理性的决策原则表现在人们的思想和行动上。在传统的经济学中也贯穿着理性人的思想,承认“经济人”(homo conomicus)的假设,认为人类为个人利益所驱使,决策者基于所掌握的信息作出全面的权衡,作出最优的抉择。直到1947年Herbert Simon考虑到人的心理因素在经济行为中的作用,提出“有限理性”(bounded rationality)理论[1]。他认为,在当今的复杂社会里,一个人不可能获得所有必要的信息来作出合理的决定。相反,人只能具有有限的理性。因而,人不可能全面考虑问题作出合理的决策。在现实社会里,人们解决问题的有效方法是靠以往的经验,即采取经验法(亦称启发式,heuristics)。自此,Simon开创了“行为经济学”(Behavioral Economics)的新领域。 自20世纪70年代,Amos Tversky、Daniel Kahneman和一些认知心理学家继续Simon所开创的启发式的研究,并发现人在不确定条件下进行判断和决策时常常是非理性的,证明传统的人类理性的假说是错误的(Tversky于1996年去世)。而且人们作出决策的偏差是有规律性的。这些重要发现开创了关于“启发式与偏见”(heuristics and biases)的大量研究。这类研究的意义是显而易见的,其影响遍及许多学科,包括心理学、经济学、政治理论、和医学。 2 不确定性判断:启发式与偏见 遵循Simon的有限理性学说[2],通过对判断的研究,Kahneman和Tversky指出,人们在不确定性世界中作判断依赖于有限的启发式。3种最重要的启发式包括:代表性(representativeness)、可得性(availability)以及锚定和调整(anchoring and adjustment)[3~5]。 代表性启发式是指,人们倾向于根据样本是否代表(或类似)总体来判断其出现的概率,代表性越高的样本其判断的概率越高。例如,人们一般认为从A盒子(70个红球30个白球)中取出4白2红的概率小于从B盒子(70个白球30个红球)中取的概率。这可以看作是代表性启发的作用:4白2红的样本与B盒子中白多红少的构成更类似。 可得性启发式是指,人们倾向于根据客体或事件在知觉或记忆中的可得性程度来评估其相对频率,容易知觉到的或回想起的客体或事件被判定为更常出现。例如,对于下面这个问题,“字母k常出现在英文单词的第一个字母位置还是第3个字母位置?”绝大多数人认为字母k常出现于英文单词的开头。但实际上,在英文里,第3个字母是k的单词数是以k字母开头的单词数的3倍。人们之所以认为字母k常出现于英文单词的开头,显然是由于人们更容易回忆出以某个特定字母开头的单词,而不容易回忆出有特定的第3个字母的单词。 锚定和调整启发式是指,在判断过程中,人们最初得到的信息会产生“锚定效应”,人们会以最初的信息为参照来调整对事件的估计。例如,对2组被试分别提出下列2个问题:(1)8×7×6×5×4×3×2×1=?(2)1×2×3×4×5×6×7×8=?要求被试在5秒内估计出其乘积。结果发现,被试对第一道题的估计的中数是2250,对第二道题的估计的中数是512。两者的差别很大,并都远远小于正确答案40320。可以设想,被试在对问题做了最初的几步运算以后,产生“锚定效应”,就以获得的初步结果为参照来调整对整个乘积的估计。由于2道题的乘数数字排列不同,第一道题的最初几步的运算结果大于第二道的,因而其整个乘积估计也较大。 3 前景理论 3.1 期望效用 关于不确定性决策,长期占统治地位的理论是von Neuman和Morgenstern于1944提出的期望效用(Expected Utility,EU)理论[6l。EU理论认为,决策者一般选择期望效用值最大的那项备择方案。期望效用值可以用备择方案的结果发生的概率与该备择方案的效用值的函数来表示。假设在当前的状态下,采用的决策方案为A[,i],产生的可能结果为S[,j],每一结果的效用值是U(S[,j]),概率是P[,j],则该决策的期望效用值为E(A[,j])=ΣP[,j]U(S[,j]),期望效用值最大的方案即为当前的最佳决策。 例如:如果采纳决策方案A[,1],有2种可能的结果,即,60%的可能获利2000元,40%的可能损失500元。如果获利2000元的效用值对于此人来说是40,损失500元的效用值为-5,那么,决策A[,1]的期望效用就是:U(A[,1])=40×60%+(-5)×40%=22。而如果采纳决策方案A[,2],则100%可获利1000元。如果获利1000元的效用值对于此人来说是20,那么,决策A[,2]的期望效用就是:U(A[,2])=20×100%=20。由于A[,1]的效用大于A[,2]的效用,所以决策者会选择方案A[,1]。 EU理论描述了“理性人”在风险条件下的决策行为。但实际上人不可能是纯粹的理性人,决策还会受到其复杂心理因素的影响。Kahneman和Tversky在心理学实验中观察到,人们的实际行为系统地偏离于期望效用理论的预测,以及偏离基于该理论的一些公理,从而向占统治地位的期望效用理论提出挑战。他们于1979年提出前景理论(prospect theory)[17]。 3.2 前景理论的主要假设及在经济学中的应用 3.2.1 回避损失(Loss Aversion) 损失的效用要比等量收益的效用得到更大的权重。例如,由于受市场变化的威胁,某CEO面对一个两难问题。他的财政顾问告诉他得采取行动,否则公司的3个制造厂就得倒闭,所有的6000雇员失业,并提交了2个计划: 计划A:执行该计划必定可以保存1个工厂,保留2000雇员。 计划B:执行该计划有1/3的概率可以保留全部3个工厂和6000员工,但是另外2/3概率则全部工厂倒闭以及全部雇员失业。 上述2个计划可以从损失的角度改写为: 计划C:执行该计划必定损失2个工厂,损失4000雇员。 计划D:执行该计划则有2/3的概率损失全部3个工厂和6000员工,但是另外1/3概率则没有任何工厂倒闭任何雇员失业。 从客观的以及EU理论的观点来看,这4个计划可以导致相似的结果: 计划A:1.0的概率保留×1个工厂和2000雇员=损失2个工厂和4000雇员; 计划C:1.0的概率损失×2个工厂和4000雇员=损失2个工厂和4000雇员; 计划B:1/3的概率保留3个工厂和6000雇员=1/3×3=保留1个工厂和2000雇员=损失2个工厂和4000雇员; 计划D:2/3的概率损失3个工厂和6000雇员=2/3×3=损失2个工厂和4000雇员。 但实验结果表明,在计划A和B中,大多数人倾向选A,表现为为获益而回避风险(risk aversion with gains);而对于计划C和D,大多数人倾向选D,表现为为回避损失而冒风险(risk seeking with losses)。可见,从收益和损失2种不同的角度提出问题,可以导致很不相同的结论。人们对损失更关注,以至于宁愿冒险去回避损失。 理解了回避损失这个概念,就可以很好地理解政治和经济生活中的一些现象。例如,面对紧急事件,有些领导者会采取明哲保身的策略不去作决策或仅作无关紧要的决策。因为如果作出的决策导致了损失,这比起不作决策或作出的决策没有效果来说,将会引起公众更多的负性评价。这种效应在社会规范和法律中也有体现。对于经济谈判者来说,能够认识到人们总是更倾向于避免损失这一点是很重要的。可以在谈判中尽量回避提到对手可能有的损失,而多从减少他们的收益着手来赢得谈判的成功。而在双方的合作谈判中,可以更多地强调双赢。 3.2.2 参照依赖(Reference Dependence) 人们对资产的变化比对净资产更敏感,因此人们根据参照点来定义价值,而不是根据净资产本身。例如:Kahneman和Tversky[7]让2组不同的被试分别回答下列2组问题。 第一组:假设你现在已经有1000美元,除了你所拥有的之外,现在你可以在下面两项中选择一项。 A:必定获得500美元; B:50%的可能获得1000美元,50%一无所得。 第二组:假设你现在已经有2000美元,除了你所拥有的之外,现在你可以在下面两项中选择一项。 A:必定获得500美元; B:50%的可能获得1000美元,50%一无所得。 在第一组中84%的被试选A。第二组中69%的被试选B。对于被试可以获得的净收益来说,2个问题都是一样的。然而由于2个组被试的参照点不同,被试的选择也会不同。第一组被试以已拥有的1000美元为参照,选择比较保守;而第二组被试以2000美元为参照,倾向于选择冒险。可见,可以通过改变人们的参照点来改变其行为。政治竞选者可以通过降低公众对自己的期望及增高公众对其对手的期望来影响投票者的参照点,从而提高自己在投票者中的地位。 3.2.3 捐赠效应(Endowment Effect) 对于获得的自己财产之外的东西,人们倾向于给予更高的评价。例如:许多商家都提供产品的“试用期”。比如顾客可以先免费试用该产品90天,试用期满后如果顾客愿意可以选择退回该产品。然而,到那时该产品已经像是家中财产的一部分了,捐赠效应使得人们不愿意归还而更愿意购买该产品。 在Kahneman等的一个研究[8]中,给第一组被试每人一个杯子,第二组被试则什么都不给,第三组被试可以选择要杯子还是要等量的钱。结果发现,第一组拥有杯子的被试期望以不低于7.12美元的价格卖出杯子,而第二组被试则期望以不高于2.87美元的价格得到杯子,第三组被试对杯子的估价是3.12美元。Kahneman对此结果的解释是,拥有杯子的被试,因为对于获得的本来非自己财产的杯子的评价更高,不想放弃,所以对杯子的估价更高。 4 小结 Daniel Kahneman关于判断和决策方面有影响的著作是,1974年与Tversky合著的文章“不确定性判断:启发式与偏见”[9],以及1982年与Slovic和Tversky合著的同名文选[10]。关于前景理论的文章“前景理论:对风险条件下决策的分析”,发表在1979年的Econometrica上,是该刊历史上被最广泛引用的文章。以上几个著作在过去的20年中平均每年被引用超过100次[11]。另外2篇Katneman参与写作的知名著作见文献12和13。 基于以上贡献,瑞典皇家科学院授予Kahneman2002年诺贝尔经济学奖,并称他奠定了“一个新研究领域的基础。Kahneman的主要发现是关于不确定条件下的决策,其中他论证了人类决策是怎样系统地偏离于标准经济理论所作的预测……。他的工作在经济学和金融领域中激发了新一代研究者的兴趣,致力于用认知心理学的知识探讨人类内在动机,从而丰富了经济学理论。”在1978年诺贝尔经济学奖得主Simon的有限理论的基础上,Kahneman和Tversky关于人的决策如何系统地偏离于理性的研究己成为有限理性研究的核心,并为判断和决策的跨学科研究做出了开创性的贡献,对其它学科如管理科学、金融、投资和消费经济学产生了深远的影响。他们的工作最近开始对政治心理学、国际关系和其它政治科学也发生影响。然而,关于个体选择的理论能否扩展到群体决策,以及实验室实验结果如何应用到真实世界情境中,将是未来研究的艰巨任务。 【参考文献】 [1] Simon H A.Administrative Behavior.New York:Macmillan,1947 [2] Simon H A.A behavioral model of rational choice.Quarterly Journal of Economics,1955.99~118 [3] Kahneman D,Tversky A.Subjective probability:A judgment of representativeness.Cognitive Psychology,1972,3:430~454 [4] Kahneman D,Tversky A.On the psychology of prediction.Psychological Review,1973,80:237~251 [5] 王sū@①,汪安圣.认知心理学.北京:北京大学出版社,1992 [6] Von Neumann J,Morgenstern O.Theory of Games and Economic Behavior.Princeton NJ:Princeton University Press,1944 [7] Kahneman D,Tversky A.Prospect theory:An analysis of decisions under risk.Econometrica,1979,47:313~327 [8] Kahneman D,Knetsch J,and Thaler R. Experimental tests of the endowment effect and the cost theorem.Journal of Political Economy,1990,98:1325~1348 [9] Tversky A,Kahneman D.Judgment under uncertainty:Heuristics and biases.Science,1974,185:1124~1131 [10] Kahneman D,Slovic P,Tversky A.Judgment under Uncertainty:Heuristics and Biases.New York:Cambridge University Press,1982 [11] Laibson D,Richard Z.Amos Tversky and the ascent of Behavioral Economics.Journal of Risk and Uncertainty,1998,16(1):7~47 [12] Tversky A,Kahneman D.The framing of decisions and the psychology of choice.Science,1981,211:453~8 [13] Kahneman D,Tversky A.Choices,Values,and Frames.Cambridge,UK:Cambridge University Press,2000 字库未存字注释: @①原字更加生 前景理论前景理论(Prospect Theory) 金融学的四大研究成果,即前景理论(或视野理论)(Prospect Theory)、后悔理论(Regret Theory)、过度反应理论(Overreaction Theory)及过度自信理论(Over confidence Theory)。
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前景理论概述很多学者研究风险以及不确定性条件下的决策,提出的模型非常多,其中最常用的被接受的理性选择模型是Von Neumann和Morgenstern(1953)发展的财富预期效用理论。该理论提供了数学化的公理,是一个标准化的模型(解决了当人们面对风险选择时他们应该怎样行动的问题),应用起来比较方便。但是在最近的几十年,该理论遇到了很多问题,它不能解释众多的异象,它的几个基础性的公理被实验数据所违背,这些问题也刺激了其它的一些试图解释风险或者不确定性条件下个人行为的理论的发展。前景理论(Prospect Theory)就是其中比较优秀的一个。 前景理论认为人们通常不是从财富的角度考虑问题,而是从输赢的角度考虑,关心收益和损失的多少。 [编辑]
前景理论的产生前景理论(PT)首先由国外学者Kahneman和阿莫斯·特沃斯基(Amos Tversky)(1979)(用KT代表两个作者)明确的提出,他们认为个人在风险情形下的选择所展示出的特性和VonNeumann—Morgenstem的效用理论的基本原理是不相符的。 一是他们发现和确定性的结果相比个人会低估概率性结果,他们称之为确定性效应(Certainty Effect)。KT还指出确定性效应导致了当选择中包含确定性收益时的风险厌恶以及当选择中包含确定性损失的风险寻求。 二是他们还发现了孤立效应(Isolation Effect),即当个人面对在不同前景的选项中进行选择的问题时,他们会忽视所有前景所共有的部分。孤立效应会导致当一个前景的描述方法会改变个人决策者决策的变化。 三是KT发现了反射效应(Reflection Effect),当正负前景的前景绝对值相等时,在负前景之间的选择和在正前景之间的选择呈现镜像关系。为了补偿这些VMUT所不能解释的关于个人行为的特征,KT提出了新模型PT。 [编辑]
前景理论二定律面对风险决策,人们会选择躲避还是勇往直前?这当然不能简单绝对的回答,因为还要考虑到决策者所处的环境,企业状况等情况,我们先抛开这些条件来研究在只考虑风险本身的时候,人们的心理对决策的影响。这时候我们会得出很有意思的结论。 卡尼曼的前景理论有两大定律: (1)人们在面临获得时,往往小心翼翼,不愿冒风险;而在面对损失时,人人都变成了冒险家。 (2)人们对损失和获得的敏感程度是不同的,损失的痛苦要远远大于获得的快乐。 来看两个好玩的试验:一是有两个选择,A是肯定赢1000元,B是50%可能性赢得2000元,50%可能性什么也得不到。你会选择哪一个呢?大部分人会选A,这说明人是风险规避的。二是有这样两种选择,A是你肯定损失1000元,B是50%可能性损失2000元,50%可能性什么也不损失。结果大部分人会选B,这说明他们是风险偏好的。 可是我们仔细分析一下,这两个实验其实是一样的,只是玩了个文字游戏而已。第一个实验中假设你刚刚赢了2000元(以此为参照),那么如果你选了A就相当于肯定损失了1000元;选B50%可能性赢2000元就相当于50%可能性不损失钱,50%可能性什么也得不到就相当于50%可能性损失2000元。 这个似乎玩文字游戏的实验结论对管理决策是很有意义的。举个例子,一家公司面临两个决策,投资方案A肯定盈利200万元,投资方案B有50%的可能盈利300万元,50%的可能盈利100万元。这时候如果公司定的盈利目标比较低,不如说100万元,那么A方案看起来好像多赚了100万元,而B则要么刚好达到目标,要么多赚200万元。A和B都是获得,那么大多数人会选A方案。但要是公司定的目标比较高,比如是300万元,那么大多数人会选B方案,员工会抱着说不定会达到目标的心理,去拼一下。这说明老板(决策者)完全可以通过改变盈利目标来改变员工对待风险的态度。 前景理论还可以用来解释一些决策现象。比如群体在奖惩决策时,奖励往往是就低不就高,惩罚往往是就宽不就严。为什么会有这种向中间回归的趋向呢?可以这么解释:获奖励者并非大多数人,多少有奖金就可以了,重要的是名誉,多几块钱少几块钱人们不会太在意;受到惩罚者也非大多数人,名誉上已经惩罚了,物质上象征性地惩罚一下, 给人改过的机会。这就像中国古代的中庸之道,得饶人处且饶人。 [编辑]
前景理论对营销的启示一、对营销措施的启示 把前景理论引入现实生活,我们可以得到非常合拍的验证,可以举出生动的例子。把这个理论引入营销学,应该注意各项营销措施,例如: 1、在推出营销措施时,我们的措施要明确而实在,因为人们在面临获得时会注意规避风险,恐怕上当受骗,以为会中圈套。有时营销徒有虚名,有时好事不被看好。所以我们的营销方案要实在,我们对方案的宣传要明明白白。 2、不要轻易取消以前的营销措施,因为人们在面临损失时是风险偏爱的,他们会感到吃了亏,来的不是时候,因此而对酒店的一切感到不信任,使酒店蒙受生意和信誉的双重损失。如果确实要有新的变动,可以采取改变营销办法的变通措施。 3、在决定一项营销措施时,要考虑是否能够持续下去,因为人们对损失比对获得更敏感,如果取消以往的营销好处,人们会非常不满。把曾经有过的优惠去掉,还不如当初就根本没有。 二、对营销宣传的启示 营销宣传也是大有学问的。根据前景理论,分别经历两次获得所带来的高兴程度之和要大于把两个获得加起来一次所经历的高兴程度;而两个损失结合起来所带来的痛苦要小于分别经历这两次损失所带来的痛苦程度之和。因此,在营销宣传中要注意如下操作。 1、如果有几项营销措施出台和宣传,应该把它们分别推出和宣传。 2、如果有几个价格上调的收费项目,应该把它们放在一起推出和宣布。 3、如果有一个大的好消息和一个小的坏消息,就应该一起推出,使其带来的快乐超过带来的痛苦。 4、如果有一个大的坏消息和一个小的好消息,就应该分别推出,使好消息带来的快乐不致以被坏消息的痛苦所淹没。 [编辑]
前景理论的缺陷一是作为一个描述性的模型,前景理论具有描述性模型共有的缺点,和规范性模型(具有严格数学推导的模型)相比,它缺乏严格的理论和数学推导,只能对人们的行为进行描述,因此前景理论的研究也只能使其描述性越来越好,换句话说它只是说明了人们会怎样做,而没有告诉人们应该怎样做。 二是前景理论的应用研究,尤其在我国的应用研究还不足,前景理论作为风险下决策的描述性模型,其应用价值非常大,应用范围也非常广,而目前的应用研究主要集中在金融市场上,因此应用范围方面还有待拓展。 [编辑]
前景理论的实例卡尼曼在做诺贝尔演讲时,特地谈到了一位华人学者的研究成果,他就是芝加哥大学商学院终身教授、中欧国际工商学院行为科学中心主任奚恺元教授。奚教授用心理学来研究经济学、市场学、决策学等学科的问题,是这个领域的主要学者之一。 看上去很美---在差的物品上花更多的钱 如果有两个匹萨,他们的配料和口味等其它方面完全相同,只不过一个比另外一个更大一点,你是不是愿意为大的匹萨支付更多的钱? 答案似乎毫无疑问是肯定的。人应该都是理性的,对于好的东西和坏的东西,人们总是愿意为好的东西支付更多的钱。可是,在现实生活中,人的决策却并不总是如此英明。 来看一个奚教授于1998 年发表的冰淇淋实验。现在有两杯哈根达斯冰淇淋,一杯冰淇淋A有7盎司,装在5盎司的杯子里面,看上去快要溢出来了;另一杯冰淇淋B是8盎司,但是装在了10盎司的杯子里,所以看上去还没装满。你愿意为哪一份冰淇淋付更多的钱呢? 如果人们喜欢冰淇淋,那么8盎司的冰淇淋比7盎司多,如果人们喜欢杯子,那么10盎司的杯子也要比5盎司的大。可是实验结果表明,在分别判断的情况下(评点:也就是不能把这两杯冰淇淋放在一起比较,人们日常生活中的种种决策所依据的参考信息往往是不充分的),人们反而愿意为分量少的冰淇淋付更多的钱。实验表明:平均来讲,人们愿意花2.26 美元买7盎司的冰淇淋,却只愿意用1.66 美元买8盎司的冰淇淋。 这契合了卡尼曼等心理学家所描述的:人的理性是有限的。人们在做决策时,并不是去计算一个物品的真正价值,而是用某种比较容易评价的线索来判断。比如在冰淇淋实验中,人们其实是根据冰淇淋到底满不满来决定给不同的冰淇淋支付多少钱的。 再来看一个奚教授做的餐具的实验。比方说现在有一家家具店正在清仓大甩卖,你看到一套餐具,有8个菜碟、8个汤碗和8个点心碟,共24件,每件都是完好无损的,那么你愿意支付多少钱买这套餐具呢?如果你看到另外一套餐具有40件,其中24件和刚刚提到的完全相同,而且完好无损,另外这套餐具中还有8个杯子和8个茶托,其中2个杯子和7个茶托都已经破损了。你又愿意为这套餐具付多少钱呢?结果表明,在只知道其中一套餐具的情况下,人们愿意为第一套餐具支付33美元,却只愿意为第二套餐具支付24美元。 虽然第二套餐具比第一套多出了6个好的杯子和1个好的茶托,人们愿意支付的钱反而少了。因为到底24件和31件算是多,还是少,如果不互相比较是很难引起注意的,但是整套餐具到底完好无缺还是已经破损,却是很容易判断的。 瞧,人们还是依据比较容易判断的线索做出判断的,尽管这并不划算。其实,大到联合国的公共决策都可能发生这种偏差。来看这样一个实验。比如说太平洋上有小岛遭受台风袭击,联合国决定到底给这个小岛支援多少钱。假设这个小岛上有1000 户居民,90%居民的房屋都被台风摧毁了。如果你是联合国的官员,你以为联合国应该支援多少钱呢?但假如这个岛上有18000 户居民,其中有10%居民的房子被摧毁了(你不知道前面一种情况),你又认为联合国应该支援多少钱呢?从客观的角度来讲,后面一种情况下的损失显然更大。可实验的结果显示,人们觉得在前面一种情况下,联合国需要支援1500 万美元,但在后面一种情况下,人们觉得联合国只需要支援1000 万美元。据说,这个实验从一般的市民到政府官员,屡试不爽。 弗里德里希·威廉·尼采
弗里德里希•威廉•尼采(Friedrich Wilhelm Nietzsche)(1844年10月15日-1900年8月25日),德国著名哲学家。他是西方现代哲学的开创者,同时也是卓越的诗人和散文家。他最早开始批判西方现代社会,然而他的学说在他的时代却没有引起人们重视,直到20 世纪,才激起深远的调门各异的回声。后来的生命哲学,存在主义,弗洛伊德主义,后现代主义,都以各自的形式回应尼采的哲学思想。
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